At nine o'clock at night I suppose your election is over, and another fortnight will enable us to guess whether an Adams or a Cushing is to be the great man. Although the old gentleman's conduct is not such as I can approve in many things of late years, yet I find it difficult to believe that the people of Massachusetts will forsake him in his last moments. Alas! his grandeur must be of short duration, if it ever commences. I shall be happier at home, if Cushing succeeds; and the State, I believe, will be more prudently conducted. The federalists have ventured on a dangerous manœuvre. I am afraid the delicacy which has usually attended elections in New England will be injured if not destroyed by these elections of governors and senators, so as to be never regained even in the choice of representatives. But we must fulfil our destiny. I am afraid I shall not see you till election. I never longed more to be at home. Yours, most tenderly, J. A. LETTER CCXXVIII. MY DEAREST FRIEND, Philadelphia, 15 April, 1794. THE House yesterday passed a resolution' in committee of the whole, whose depth is to me unfathomable. The Senate will now be called upon to show their independence, and perhaps your friend to show his weakness or his strength. The majority of the House is certainly for mischief, and there is no doubt they represent the people in the southern States and a large number in the northern. Vox populi, vox Dei, they say, and so it is, sometimes; but it is sometimes the voice of Mahomet, of Cæsar, of Catiline, the Pope and the Devil. Britain, however, has done much amiss, and deserves all that will fall thereon. Her insolence, which you and I have known and felt more than any other Americans, will lead her to ruin and us half way. We, indeed, are, in point of insolence, her very image and superscription, as true a game cock as she, and I warrant you, shall become as great a scourge to mankind. Our furniture has had its last removal. Your dis 1 This was the motion alluded to in the preceding letter, made by Mr. Clark, to prohibit all intercourse with Great Britain. It was ultimately adopted, in a modified form, by a majority of twenty in the House of Representatives, and was only rejected in the Senate by the casting vote of the Vice President, Mr. Adams. tress and distraction at its landing are very strongly described. Whatever crashes have happened shall be the last from removals. My countrymen are going into a career that I shall not long follow. I don't expect another election, if I should, peradventure, ride out the remainder of my term. I long to see you, but I fear it will be late in May if not the beginning of June. I am, with ardent gratitude and affection, Your JOHN ADAMS. LETTER CCXXIX. Philadelphia, 19 April, 1794. MY DEAREST FRIEND, SENATE has been three days in debate upon the appointment of Mr. Jay to go to London. It has this day been determined in his favor eighteen versus eight. You cannot imagine what horror some persons are in, lest peace should continue. The prospect of peace throws them into distress. Their countenances lengthen at the least opening of an appearance of it. Glancing gleams of joy beam from their faces whenever all possibility of it seems to be cut off. You can divine the secret source of these feelings as well as I. The opposition to Mr. Jay has been quickened by motives which always influence every thing in an elective government. Pretexts are never wanting to ingenious men, but the views of all the principal parties are always directed to the election of the first magistrate. If Jay should succeed, it will recommend him to the choice of the people for President, as soon as a vacancy shall happen. This will weaken the hopes of the southern States for Jefferson. This I believe to be the secret motive of the opposition to him, though other things were alleged as ostensible reasons; such as, his monarchical principles, his indifference about the navigation of the Mississippi, his attachment to England, his aversion to France, none of which are well founded, and his holding the office of Chief Justice, &c. The day is a good omen. May the gentle zephyrs waft him to his destination, and the blessing of heaven succeed his virtuous endeavors to preserve peace. I am so well satisfied with this measure, that I shall run the venture to ask leave to go home, if Congress determines to sit beyond the middle of May. Mr. Adams is to be Governor, it seems, by a great majority of the people; and I am not surprised at it. I should have thought human nature dead in the Massachusetts if it had been otherwise. I expect now he will be less anti-federal. Gill is to be Lieutenant. We will go to Princeton again to congratulate him. I thought, however, that Gerry would have been the man. We are ill-treated by Britain, and you and I know it is owing to a national insolence against us. If they force us into a war, it is my firm faith, that they will be chastised for it a second time, worse than the first. I am, with an affection too tender to be expressed, Your J. A. LETTER CCXXX. Philadelphia, 5 May, 1794. MY DEAREST FRIEND, I MUST remain here, because my friends say I must not go. Those whose principles are the same with mine, whose views of public good coincide with mine, say that if we keep together, we shall succeed to the end of the session as we have hitherto done, in keeping off all the most pernicious projects. The ways and means before the House of Representatives is a very important and a very difficult system. While I confess the necessity of it, and see its importance in giving strength to our government at home and consideration to our country abroad, I lament the introduction of taxes and expenses which will accumulate a perpetual debt and lead to future revolutions. I regret every moment I lose here, but I cannot yet be sure that I can see you before June. With the utmost tenderness of affection, J. A. |