The Senate of Berlin University, in-hose constitution has not been modied appreciably since the revolution, emains a stronghold of Prussian Pan-Germanism. Counting apparentupon the support of the reactionary overnment which it hoped to see speedily installed, this body expelled Professor Nicolai from the faculty beause of his conduct during the war, alling it as 'unjustifiable as patricide.' Thereupon the Socialist Minister of Public Instruction promptly annulled the decision as ultra vires, since amnesty had been granted to all political offenders. While the controversy was at this point, the imperialists and seized royalists the government, greatly to the joy of the university authorities. Their self-congratulation was as short-lived, however, as the government on which they placed their t hopes. Professor Nicolai retains his chair, and a reorganization of the University Senate is said to be in prospect.

6

A NEW group of initials - C. T. I. is becoming familiar to the readers of the French press. The letters stand for Confédération des Travailleurs Intellectuels. This society has been organized on lines parallel with the General Federation of Labor, which embraces a large fraction of the organized manual workers of the republic. Its purpose is: "To agree upon and enforce a common policy of action for the protection and welfare of the artistic and learned professions and to defend the rights of intellectual workers in general.' Up to the present, eight groups have been organized-artists, teachers, civil servants, literary men, press writers, members of the liberal professions, scientists, and engineers. This union for common defense, and for the promotion of common interests, is the result mainly of two conditions

following the war: the challenge of manual workers inspired by Bolshevist teaching which denies the social value of-the services performed by intellectual workers; and the material hardships which the latter are suffering through the failure of salaries to keep pace with the rising cost of living.

According to Neue Zürcher Zeitung, the union was originally suggested by a society of writers, which started among the frequenters of the famous Closerie des Lilas in Paris and took the name Les Compagnons de l'Intelligence. This society issued a manifesto from which the following is quoted:

The intellectual class of France is in peril. It is threatened by the growing economic hardships under which artists, writers, scholars, and the members of the liberal profession suffer. This crisis promises to become still more acute, because the middle classes from which these callings receive most of their recruits is now the oppressed class. Brain work is losing prestige. The Socialist masses on one hand, and the newly rich on the other, despise artists and scholars and regard intellectual culture as a use. less luxury. The false theory has become popular that manual labor is the sole creator of wealth, and that management, applied science, and invention are relatively minor factors in production. We form a third estate between manual labor and capital. whose function it is to guide these, and even the survival of civilization is at stake in this contention. If this vital truth is to triumph, we must unitewriters, artists, scholars, engineers, and members of the liberal professions. We must abolish the barriers that have hitherto separated science and technology, literature and technology, art and teaching, and must reconcile them with each other.

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To be sure, the subscriptions are partly of a refunding nature, as bonds of previous issues are acceptable in payment for the new ones. However, it is estimated that at least one third of the subscriptions represent new money. Part of this credit will be used by the government to retire some of the overabundant paper currency with a view to reducing prices and strengthening Italy's exchange abroad.

FRANCE is reported to have done wonderful work in developing Morocco, in spite of all the handicaps of the war, during the eight years it has exercised a protectorate over that country. Since the armistice, small landed proprietors, professional men, and peasants from the Eastern frontiers of France, who lost heavily in the war, are resorting to Morocco as a land where they can recuperate their fortunes. The rush of settlers is described in the London Telegraph as resembling similar movements in our own West. Indeed, the newcomers have hastened in before the authorities were prepared to receive them. Hotels are packed and the colonists are pushing ahead in advance of transportation. Cheap auto buses packed with natives and stifled European passengers, and trucks carrying utensils and heavy luggage, serve indifferently the immediate needs of the new settlements. Prices are naturally very high; for many of the supplies come from France with heavy freights and profits added to their original excessive cost. People pay five francs for a bottle of beer or lemonade. A pound of ham costs twenty francs. Native meat and eggs are not so dear. The postal service is conducted mainly by aeroplanes.

The country's undeveloped resources are described as extensive and promising.

The country to the west is very fertile; there are no deserts, and there is much water. But though there is much scope for land develop ment, culture, and irrigation, the total extent available is not so very enormous as some people would have us believe. There is plenty of room

but it is not another Canadian Northwest nor a Siberia; and it will probably not be very many years before it is all taken up.

The hilly country to the east will, as it is occ pied, become available for timber, vines, olives, fruit culture. The mineral wealth is still a some what doubtful question. Signs there are of numerous minerals, and there is undoubtedly oil in the northern half. But the country is stil too unsettled and unknown to allow of prospecting on a very large or secure basis.

In the meanwhile fairs and new markets are being established all over the country, and annual exhibitions are held with much success at Casablanca, Rabat, and other places.

The natural beauty of the country is being in terfered with as little as possible, and broad spaced European towns are being planned by the government well outside all the large native towns, both for sanitary reasons and in order not to mix up the modern European with the old native style. Along the new boulevards and streets, buildings are everywhere springing up, while there is a brisk demand for masons, artisans, and engineers of all sorts.

At Casablanca works and factories are already lifting their ugly heads and the town is humming with enterprise.

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SINCE the beginning of the war more than twenty thousand new in-d dustrial companies have been formed in Japan, with an aggregate capital of about two billion dollars. Naturally there are many wild-cat enterprises in this list whose promoters have contrived to unload their stock upon a gullible public during the present era of high prices and wild speculation. The Imperial Government is reported to be on the point of intervening to check this abuse. It proposes to require promoters or underwriters of a new company to repurchase any of the stocks they sell at the price they received for them, within a specified period, which will probably be one year from date of sale.

0

ABOUT the time of the recent Kapp volt in Berlin a conservative minisy was peaceably installed under ilitary pressure in Bavaria. The new rime Minister, Von Kahr, is the son vi a distinguished jurist and a strong rotestant of North German Conserative leanings. This means that he is lso an anti-Semite. Most of the other Tinisters are Catholic Clericals. The ocial Democrats have refused to parcipate in this ministry. It would be remature to charge the new cabinet ith either secessionist or monarchist anings. As a result of this incident he Social Democrats and Independent ocialists have drawn closer together. Munich's brief Communist régime, like hat of Budapest, seems to have played trongly into the hands of reaction.

AUSTRALIA proposes to increase xisting duties on imports and to levy inety-five new duties, in a revised ariff law just submitted to the Comnonwealth parliament. As a result of wartime embargoes a number of new ndustries have arisen in that country. The proposed tariff retains the existing preference to British manufactures, which applies to more than five hundred items and varies from five to twenty per cent. Among the duty increases are ten per cent on woolens, agricultural machinery, and implements, and fifteen to twenty per cent on motor car parts.

ON March 25, delegates of the Latin Monetary Union, representing France, Italy, Belgium, Switzerland, and Greece, met at Paris and agreed upon a revision of the articles of the Union, subject to ratification by their respective governments. Among the principal new measures adopted was one to confine the circulation of fractional silver currency to the country where it is coined. The coin quota of the different mem

bers of the union was modified, that of Switzerland being increased from sixteen francs to twenty-eight francs per capita. Belgium is authorized to coin twelve million francs of small money in base metals for use in the Congo.

LA PUBLICIDAD, a Barcelona daily, with an excellent South American news service, publishes accounts of a continuation of the labor disturbances throughout the country districts of the Argentine. These accounts produce an impression that Bolshevist or anarchist agitation is serious and widespread in that country.

MOST of the German universities report a record attendance since the war, especially at their courses in political science and economics. Berlin has 12,964 enrolled; Bonn 6560; Leipzic, 5800; even the new University of Hamburg reports a matriculation of 1500. Munich is the only prominent university where attendance has declined. Students are hostile to the City of Kurt Eisner and the Bolshevist coup d'état. d'état. Paris has a larger attendance (16,000) than any German university.

EL SOCIALISTA, a Madrid paper, whose party affiliation is indicated by its name, publishes a sarcastic little article upon the proceedings of the Catholic Labor Unions of Orihuela, a provincial town of some thirty thousand people in Catalonia, who organized a demonstration, resulting in a riot, to protest against the sale of the Bull Ring to a manufacturing corporation which contemplated erecting a factory on the site. This opposition to converting 'a site of brutal festal slaughter' into a 'home of industry' furnishes the text for an attack upon the Clerical opponents of the Socialists and upon the social backwardness of the Spanish nation.

UPON receiving the text of the Versailles Treaty on May 8, 1918, Count Brockdorff-Rantzau, speaking in the name of the German delegation, used the following words:

In this Conference, where we stand alone, without allies, face to face with a host of powerful adversaries, we are not without defenders. You yourselves have summoned us as an ally: the rights which were guaranteed us by the agree ment signed by you at the beginning of the armistice. . . . On October 5, 1918, the German Government proposed as a basis of peace negotiations, the principles promulgated by the

President of the United States of America. On November 5, Mr. Lansing, the Secretary of State of that country, replied that the Allied and Associated Powers agreed to accept these bases subject to two specified reservations.

These words were addressed to the presiding officer of the Conference, Mr. Clemenceau, who had not followed the example of Lloyd George, but had accepted the Fourteen Points of President Wilson without making the reservations necessary to protect French interests. Our adversaries thereupon denied that we had the right to go beyond the limits within which we had imprudently confined ourselves. These were their tactics throughout the debate upon the treaty. Now they declare officially:

The solemn engagements of Secretary Lansing's note of November 5 have been violated, but they are still in effect, and upon them we base the right which we shall inevitably use to insist upon a revision of the Peace Treaty.

This declaration is published at the beginning of a collection of official documents entitled, The Preliminaries

of the Armistice, and published by Mr. Ebert's government. The minutes of the Councils of War held at the Grand Headquarters and of the Cabinet meetings held at Berlin, memoranda of telephone conversations between the military and civilian leaders of Germany, and copies of telegrams exchanged with the Imperial Suite, are printed here. They show vividly how, when the great German Empire drove headlong to its final shipwreck, its pilots seized the plank of safety offered them by Wilson's programme.

The collection begins with the minutes of a Crown Council held at Spa on August 14, where the Emperor pre sided. At that time, the Empire still retained all its conquests in Russia, the Balkans, Belgium, and France. But for six days its leaders had known that it had received a fatal wound. A month previously, when the new Minister of Foreign Affairs, Von Hintze, asked if the Champagne offensive would result in 'a decisive and final victory, Ludendorff after repeating the question declared, 'My answer is a formal, yes. But something happened on the eighth of August, which Ludendorff calls, A black day in Germany's history,' which revealed the moral exhaustion of his troops. Whole divisions fled in panic when attacked by tanks be tween the Somme and the Luce. What was worse still, the reinforcements hurrying up for their support were hooted by the fleeing soldiers with cries of 'war prolongers-strike breakers.' Later, Ludendorff, who was