hundred policemen being sometimes employed to disperse a little audience of thirty or so.

The Roso-kai (Old and Young Society) is a group of Imperial or national Socialists with the staff of the magazine Dai Nihon (Great Japan) for its centre. Mr. Kawashima Seijiro, the editor of the magazine, was formerly on the Niroku newspaper and is known as a great authority on naval topics. He is not a very radical Socialist, contenting himself as he does with advocating the nationalization of land.

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"To establish Socialism in Japan under the Imperial standard of brocade,' is his favorite phrase an essay in 'harmonization,' indeed. The society meets once a month and is very heterogeneous in its composition, as its name indicates, including such men General Sato and Admiral Kamiidzumi. It seems that the members of the society are wedded to State Socialism, in the belief that the national organization of the country is really based on the principles underlying that form of Socialism, though it is somewhat hard for a superficial observer to find where the analogy lies. It is said that even a certain police officer who was present at one of the meetings of the society had the satisfaction to admit that there was no danger to be feared of a Socialism of that kind. Some time ago we reported a speech delivered at a meeting of the society, in which the speaker suggested the advisability of all landowners returning their lands to the Emperor much in the same fashion as the feudal lords gave up their fiefs at the time of the Restoration.

In addition to those belonging to the three groups just named, there are several other well-known professed Socialists. Mr. Yano Fumio is a courtly gentleman of a variegated

career who successively filled the posts of a newspaper editor, vice-president of the Progressionist party (under the then Count Okuma), Minister to China, and an official in the Imperial Household. It was as early as 1902 that he published his popular book, New Society, suggesting that all organs of production should be bought up by the state with permanent bonds, and seven per cent interest paid on such bonds out of the production, the balance to be distributed among the workers in proportion to the amount of work done. Professor Abe, one of the most amiable characters and fascinating speakers Japan has ever produced, is a member of the Fabian Society. His views are closely akin to those expounded in Mr. Webb's Industrial Democracy. Being a Christian (now a Unitarian, though formerly a Congregationalist pastor), he has less faith in material alleviations than the majority of the Fabians. It may be added that although he is a professor at Waseda, we do not believe that he gives lectures on Socialism there. Formerly policemen used to visit the college from time to time in order to ascertain that he was not lecturing on that dangerous subject. He is a great favorite with the student class, but his affability and his alleged want of executive courage are believed to disqualify him for the rôle of a militant leader of Socialism.

and so prevent him from taking part in the labor troubles, but those charges have all fallen to the ground in the preliminary stage with the exception of that of striking and wounding a policeman employed in dogging him -a case which is still pending. He has just started a new monthly called Rodo Undo (Labor Movement).

The above are perhaps the most notable figures among Japanese Socialists, although there are other stars of lesser lustre; but this brief account of Japanese Socialists would be incomplete if we omitted the names of Dr. Katayama Sen, Mr. Nishikawa Mitsujiro, and Mr. Kinoshita Naoe, who were once very active and well-known agitators in the field, but whose names are now buried in obscurity. Dr. Katayama, who gained the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in some American college, supporting himself during his studies by means of manual labor extending over many years, was one of the most important figures among Japanese Socialists from 1897, when the 'Social Problems Investigation Society' the first society of the kind in this country-was founded, to 1903, when he somehow lost his popularity. Subsequently he went to America where it is said that he is now working as a cook, while editing a Socialist magazine. Mr. Nishikawa Mitsujiro, a graduate of Waseda College, once the most violent of the set and also an eloquent and energetic agitator, withdrew from the arena some years ago, either giving up the work as a bad job or deeming it wise to keep quiet and wait, turning his energy in a totally different channel, for he is now occupied with writing books on health and on fasting as a means of promoting health- something like the American Socialist, Upton Sinclair. But it appears that he has recently emerged from his re

tirement and is playing a secondary part under the banner of State Socialism. Mr. Kinoshita was likewise a stirring speaker and incisive writer in the cause of Socialism. He also brought out several novels for propaganda purposes which were once in great fashion, though now absolutely forgotten, like their author himself.

Having briefly treated of more prominent professed Socialists, past and present, we may now say something about others who, without openly professing to be Socialists, are yet generally looked upon as such. One of the most conspicuous figures among them is Mr. Kagawa Toyohiko of Kobe, a young man of thirty-three, of rare capacity and much learning, a student of labor problems for many years, an influential member of the Yuai-kai, a benefactor of the poor in Shinkawa, and now a voluminous contributor to magazines on the subject of labor problems (the considerable amount of money which he makes in this way being, we understand, spent for the benefit of the poor among whom he lives) and chief secretary of the Osaka Labor Union. He is an advocate of Guild Socialism, and his writings are much admired for the clearness of exposition and warmhearted treatment which characterize them.

Other learned supporters of Guild Socialism are Dr. Kawada Shiro of Kyoto University and Dr. Kitazawa Shinjiro of Waseda College. Professor Kawada formerly published An Essay on Socialism, The Capitalistic Spirit, and The Problem of Woman; but official interference caused all of them to go out of print. When Mr. Ohara, a millionaire philanthropist of Kurashiki, in Okayama Prefecture, lately organized and richly endowed an institute called the Ohara Labor Institute, he asked Dr. Kawa Kami of

Kyoto University, the editor of the highly popular Socialist magazine, Study of Social Problems, to become its president, but the proud professor declined to accept the offer, considering it beneath his dignity to have anything to do with an establishment coupled with the name of an Ohara.

Further, both in Tokyo and Kyoto Imperial Universities and the private colleges of Waseda and Keio, there are many professors who are interested in Socialism. Dr. Nitobe of Tokyo University, for instance, is a marked man because of the strong articles he contributed to Shin Nihon (New Japan). Perhaps Dr. Nitobe and Dr. Miyake, the veteran editor of Japan and the Japanese, may be regarded as two

great, though not professing, elder Socialists, as Mr. Yano and Professor Abe are two great professed elder Socialists. The audience of a lecture meeting held by the Reimei-kai (Enlightenment Society) was struck by the way in which the old philosopher outstripped other lecturers, members of that society of advanced thinkers. Dr. Fukuda and Dr. Kawakami are said to want to be recognized as great exponents of Marx, but feel disinclined to be considered as scholars possessed of dangerous ideas, although this disinclination may have nothing to do with their official position - one as Professor at the Tokyo Higher Commercial School, and the other as Professor in Kyoto Imperial University.

EDWARD GREY, son of a soldier, grandson of a distinguished statesman, was educated at Winchester and Balliol, and from early boyhood showed a bent toward the contemplative life and the open-air life. He was fond of poetry and of fishing; neither taste suggests the stern stuff of which ambition is made. Of his love for flyfishing there is public confession in a book from his pen which for clear and sweet English is worthy of the good company of Izaak Walton. His love for poetry is more of a secret. But it is a real force in his life. It is not merely that conventional love of poetry which follows the public verdict to admire a classic.

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Winchester which judged by a British statesman as 'indubitably the best public school in England, for those who have been to Eton, to Harrow, and to Rugby always give it the second place after their own school' has sent some great men into British public life, but it is not exactly the school to make a lad a 'careerist.' Balliol has more an atmosphere of politics, successful politics. 'He was one of Nature's Balliol men,' was the witty summing up in an Oxford Union debate of a public man who is almost the complete antithesis of Lord Grey.

But Balliol College had given the future Foreign Secretary no taste for

statecraft. Except for a happy accident he would probably have justified the verdict of Gladstone:

"There is Edward Grey, who could do anything, be anything, but prefers to go fishing.' He would have gone through life as a country gentleman, finding scope for his interest in mankind in the affairs of his neighborhood, carrying out with conscientious industry those tasks of local administration which the English polity keeps for its men of leisure so that they may be linked up in some way with public life and reminded of duty to the community. He would have been Justice of the Peace certainly, probably churchwarden, possibly member of some Local Government Boards or Councils. His passion for angling - if passion is if passion is a word that can be applied to that sport and his library would have filled the rest of life. He had no liking for travel. The life of cities did not interest him. The wild Northumberland moors swept by keen air, peopled by shepherds and farmers of sturdy manliness were his choice.

But the happy accident came. The reform of the franchise was stirring English minds when Edward Grey was growing up to manhood. In 1867 the franchise had been widely extended, but this extension, while giving the vote to city laborers of the same class, excluded the country laborer. That caused a deep and a just resentment. If merit and intelligence were to be considered in the granting of the franchise, it excluded a better class than it included. When Edward Grey came down from Oxford in 1884 Gladstone had proposed to remedy this anomaly. The Conservative Party objected. Demonstrations were organized in the country to support Gladstone's proposal. Near Edward Grey's home in August, 1884, one of these demonstrations was held. He was asked to take

the chair, consented, and thenceforth his feet were set on the path which was to bring him to be the keeper of the British conscience during the years of fate which ushered in the Great War.

In Edward Grey's public life he has been guided always by one principle — the same schoolboy sense of fair play that he brought away from Winchester. That 'ordinary schoolboy fairness' in conversation with his friends he insists upon as an adequate rule of public and private life. He will permit no sophistication of it. That sense of fairness made him consent to be chairman of a Northumbrian meeting to insist that his friends and neighbors, those shepherds and agricultural workers, whose rugged common sense and fine character he knew, should not be kept out of a share of the government of the country. It was not fair; and for what his voice was worth that voice would be raised in protest. In just such spirit John Hampden broke out of his seclusion as country gentleman to become a man of state.

England, having thus caught up Edward Grey in the mesh of political life, refused to let him go. There was work for him to do which no other man could do as well work in which just an 'ordinary schoolboy sense of fairness' was to be pitted successfully against the most unscrupulous and relentless diplomacy which was counting for its success in wrecking Europe on the deep dejection and disillusionment which seemed to atrophy Great Britain as a nation in 1914. The franchise agitation of 1884 was successful. Those Northumberland shepherds, and their peers throughout the country, won the vote, and a General Election was held on the new franchise. The Northumberland men resolved to have Edward Grey as their member. He was returned to the House of Com

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mons in 1885 and represented Berwick-on-Tweed until he was on the verge of retiring from public life.

As a member of the House of Commons Sir Edward Grey he had succeeded his grandfather in a baronetcy in 1882 was not often heard in de bate. But his voice and his vote were always on the same side. He had a real trust in the people. He had a logical conviction that every step toward fuller popular government was a good step. As he put it in answer to my question as to whether he thought that popular government was always wise government, "That is n't worth considering. The fact has to be faced that popular government is the only possible government. To the pessimist who speaks of its dangers I say: "At any rate, you must make the best of it, for it is and must be." But personally I am convinced it is the best form of government. You may have under it abuses, mistakes. But on the whole it is preferable to any other form of government. Its abuses and mistakes are least likely to be carried to extremes. It is founded on the sense of justice. It gives a fair basis at the start to public policy.'

In 1892 Sir Edward Grey first took office as Parliamentary Secretary to the Foreign Office in the Gladstone, which was afterwards to become the Rosebery, administration. When Sir H. Campbell-Bannerman became Prime Minister in 1905 he invited Sir Edward Grey to be Foreign Secretary, and after some reluctance he consented. That office he held, latterly under Mr. Asquith, till 1916.

In domestic policy the Cabinet of 1905 was Liberal with little surviving of the old Whiggism and a tendency toward the new Radicalism. In foreign policy it was above all things pacific. It was against any warlike adventure. Its spirit was not only against any ex

pansion of British responsibilities, but in favor of any 'drawing in' that seemed compatible with honor and with safety.

Sir Edward Grey brought to the Foreign Office his characteristic and unvarying attitude of striving for 'simple fairness.' He had always believed in fair play between class and class, man and man, in the British community. Instinctively now he sought to apply the same principle between nation and nation. Had it not been for the stark resolution of the German Empire to bid for the dominancy of the world at the point of the sword, it is possible that he would have succeeded in reconciling Europe, and the world, to a long era, perhaps ultimately a lasting era, of peace. The enemies of his policy accused him of a disposition to 'give away British interests,' and I think he would have been always willing enough to give up anything that he thought we had no real right to; and powerful enough, with that simple, persuasive sincerity of his, to get his countrymen to follow him. All through his long career as Foreign Secretary he was being attacked alternately from two sides, by those who thought that, in his passion for peace and his desire to be just to other nations, he was neglectful of British interests, and by those who thought that his care for British interests carried him to the borders of Jingoism. Only on rare and important occasions did he speak in defense and always he carried the country with him.

I had an opportunity once in 1912– 1913 of seeing Sir Edward Grey through the eyes of a very mixed collection of foreigners. The Balkan War was over, and after accompanying the Bulgarian Army in the field for the Morning Post, I was watching the Peace Conference of London and in the full confidence of