let loose, loose from conventional bonds and
external discipline, the Anglo-Saxon lust for
a dominion which, when acknowledged, he
can use more leniently than any other race
on earth.

From The Spectator, 24th March.

THE CONFLICT AT WASHINGTON.

THE view taken in England of President
Johnson and his recent quarrel with the ma-
jority in Congress, is probably wider astray
from that warranted by the facts of the case
than that of any critical American event
since the outbreak of the war. There are
several reasons for this, one, that the vul-
gar and inflammatory speech in which the
President denounced the Radicals and ac-
cused them of intending his assassination
was never printed in full in any English pa-
per, was panegyrized most by those who did
not dare to print it at all, and but faintly
rebuked even by the most Liberal of all the
English journals, which only published
about half, and that not containing a full
half of the wildest and most unworthy mat-
ter; another, that the Daily News, which
hitherto has been far the wisest, soundest,
and most thoroughly informed of all the
English critics of American politics, has be-
come, for some intellectual crotchet which
we cannot explain, almost the mere advo-
cate of the President, though of course an
advocate profoundly convinced of the truth
and has ceased to our
mind to square its judgments with the facts
of the case.
Add to this that Mr. Johnson's
policy has in it a first appearance of gener-
osity to a vanquished foe, that Mr. Stevens
and the other Radical leaders, though far
fairer and less violent in their language
than Mr. Johnson, have been often silly and
intemperate, that the full evidence as to the
condition of the South and the condition of
opinion in the Western States is never re-
produced in the English journals, and we
are not surprised to find the public mind
more prejudiced, because more completely
uninformed, upon the present political crisis
in America than it has been on any of the
American embarrassments of the last six
years. Indeed the false issue so pertina-
ciously asserted to be the true one by Eng-
lishmen at the commencement of the war,
-the issue of Protection versus Free
Trade, and never better exposed than by

of its own case,

op

| the Daily News of five years ago, has been deliberately adopted by it this week as accounting in great part for the Republican hostility to the President's policy of reconstruction, the motive being of course that it is the interest of the Eastern States, which are all violently Protectionist, to keep out the Southern States, which are nearly unanimous for free trade, until the financial policy of the future Union has been once firmly fixed. We confess that we are surprised to find this argument in the Daily News, when the truth unquestionably is that the Western States are quite as averse to the policy of Protection as the South, and for the same obvious reason, that they have no manufactures, and are great producers of the raw materials which Europe needs,and yet that nowhere, not even in Massachusetts, have the Radical party in Congress been so warmly supported in their position to the President as in Wisconsin and Iowa, where the State Legislatures have gone so far as to pass votes condemning the President's policy by enormous majorities,-majorities of two to one, and supporting those of their own Congressmen who have remained firm to their principles. We are persuaded that as a rule this plausible trick of accounting for the deeper differences of high political questions by selfish motives is founded in a complete misconception of the weight of political feeling. Bad tariffs cause revolutions sometimes no doubt, but where they do, their advocates do not try to disguise their motives under the form of a battle against slavery, or their opponents to plead State rights instead of Free Trade. The hatred of slavery now heartily unites the North-West and North-East, while the minor tariff question tends to divide them, and, so much greater is the cementing power of the higher principle, fails.

The real issue between the President and

the Radical_Republicans is, we believe, a vital one. The President, under the influence of his old Democratic principles, wishes to let both the South and the Union reconstruct itself. He desires to see the Southern State Legislatures-all, excepting only that of Tennessee (?) consisting of men hostile, without exception, to the North, and still more hostile to the civil rights of the negro freedmen-restored at once to their full powers; he would permit them, unopposed except by the feeble machinery of the present Freedmen's Bureau, to enact formally the most stringent negro vagrant laws, and to refuse the education to the negroes which the Freedmen's Bureau has hitherto given;

and he would do all this on the plea of the sacredness of self-government, forgetting in the depth of his old Southern prejudices that the despotic government of one race over another is not self-government in any sense of the word. More than this, he not only would permit, but even demands, the immediate admission of deputies from all the rebellious States to Congress,-deputies themselves disaffected to the Union, chosen for that disaffection, and chosen, moreover, on a constitutional law which greatly increases their number in virtue of the very negro population whom they not only do not represent but whose interests they are chosen to oppose. Mr. Johnson wishes to see the small party of Northern democrats re-enforced by the large party of Southern democrats, who would no sooner be in Congress than any further protection by Congress of the freedmen of the South, and probably also of the interests of the Union there, would become impossible. And all this Mr. Johnson wishes, sincerely, we believe, on the formal ground that the old machinery prescribed by the Constitution must be put in force as soon as States and representatives can be got to profess lip-loyalty to the old régime. Such is the President's view, a view radically based upon the idea that, as the Southern States' machinery answered very decently before the rebellion, for to Mr. Johnson's mind the existence of slavery was only a blot so far as it endangered Union,-it is not likely to answer worse now, when the climax has come, the blow has been struck, and has failed.

General that the South is still engaged in widespread conspiracies-called Historic Societies,' and what not- which, if they could but get the opportunity of any foreign war, would burst out again into a new secession. They quote the speeches of the Southern candidates for Congress, who do not scruple to advocate the repudiation of the national war debt. And they ask whether it is the part of reasonable men to establish in supreme authority in the various States, governments so hostile to the only loyal the negro-portion of the population; and also to invite back into their full influence in Congress, men who will do their best to destroy the credit of the Union or to foment its enmities with foreign States.

-

We confess the logical position of the Radicals seems to us quite unanswerable; and the sort of evidence on which they rely is not doubtful or weak, but positively swarms. Let us just quote a little to show its nature rather than its strength, which last we could not do if we devoted a whol paper to the task. Major-General Thomas, the victor of Nashville, is a Conservative in politics, and not a Radical. He has long commanded in Kentucky, Tennessee, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi. He wishes the Tennessee deputies readmitted to Congress, though he opposes, as in the highest degree dangerous, the recall of the troops even from Tennessee. And the following are his own words to the reconstruction Committee:

"There is an understanding among the RebOn the other hand, the Radicals assert els, and perhaps organizations formed or formthat to reconstruct either the Southern ing, for the purpose of gaining as many advanState Legislatures or Congress by the mere tages for themselves as possible; and I have formal application of constitutional doctrine heard it also intimated that these men were to a society in a flame of hatred both against very anxious and would do all in their power to involve the United States in a foreign war, its conquerors and its former victims, is so that if a favourable opportunity should offer simply as mad as to heap up to dry near a blazing fire gunpowder still wet with the do not think they will ever again attempt an they might turn against the United States. I very water which extinguished the powder outbreak on their own account, because they all mill's conflagration. They assert that it is admit that they had a fair trial in the late reidle first to lavish life and money on a gi- bellion and got thoroughly worsted. There is gantic war, and then to beg their opponents no doubt but what there is a universal disposition to take back their former advantages and among the rebels in the South to embarrass the Govbuild up the old rivalries strengthened by ernment in its administration, if they can, so as to the bitterness of defeat, once more. They gain as many advantages for themselves as possible." appeal to the evidence given by all the new Southern vagrant' laws, which are practi- His evidence is confirmed by witness after cally laws establishing a most oppressive serfdom, that the spirit of caste is as virulent as ever in the South, and far more personally virulent against the negroes than before, because their value as property is lost. They cite the opinion of General after

witness as conservative and moderate as himself. General Grierson, who has been in the South, almost ever since Lee's surrender, not only confirms this, but says that, except in Tennessee, the feeling is far less favourable, far more inclined to organize

new revolt, than at the time of General vice. At the time of the surrender, and even Lee's surrender. The sense of exhaustion after, they manifested a disposition rather to diis partly relieved; the hope of revenge is vide this thing, but that is entirely changed." far stronger than before: "I think that instead of growing more willing to accept the situation, they are showing a more intense feeling of bitterness toward the Government. I speak of leading men more particularly." "I think," he adds, "that every Congressman elected in the State of Alabama was elected by reason of his devotion to the cause of the rebellion. Some of them served at Richmond as Congressmen, and others as officers in the rebel army, but in no case that I know of was a loyal man elected. The truly loyal people of Alabama do not wish the present elected Congressmen and Senators from that State admitted into Congress." Brevet LieutenantColonel Hunter Brooke confirmed this by saying that he did not know of "one loyal newspaper" in all Alabama. General Grierson also said that the attempt, so much favoured by the President, to reorganize the State militia, is nothing but the reorganization of the Confederate Army, in State detachments. He said that in Alabama the State authorities had congratulated themselves greatly on their success in getting General Thomas to withdraw the United States' troops, that the militia system was immediately organized by the provisional governor to supplant them, that every officer who received commissions in the militia was an officer of the old Confederate Army, and that no Northerner or Unionist had the remotest chance of such an appointment. Further, General Grierson has no doubt that an election now would produce men far more hostile to the Union than even four months ago. There was a disposition then to pick out men for office as little objectionable to the Unionists as possible, but since Mr. Johnson has headed the party, the old fierce feeling has come out again uncontrolled:

This is surely very remarkable evidence, and it is supported by the testimonies of almost all the Unionists who know the South. Then as to the freedmen, we need not rely on the numberless accounts of open murder, seizure and sale of them to Cuba, re-enslavement under the vagrant laws, and the rest; the open profession of the planters is that, while they will not admit the rights of freedmen, they do feel themselves relieved from all the responsibility they formerly felt for them as their property. Their language is now, "Government freed you, and now let Government take care of you," their own part being avowedly to foil Government in taking care of them as completely as they can, by persuading the President where they can, by disobeying and defying him where they must. But apart from personal testimony as to feelings the facts are sufficient. In Louisiana, for which with the other States the President demands immediate admittance to Congress, the Legislature just adjourned was all but entirely composed of men who were a few months ago in arms against the Government. The Courts charged the grand juries "that it was treason to advocate equal suffrage." The militia force is officered entirely by officers of the Confederate Army. The schools for the. freedmen have been shut up all over the State, but these poor freedmen are being taxed to support the mean white schools from which they are excluded. Union men are openly taxed for loyalty to the Union, and imprisoned for it. The blacks are forbidden by law to move between plantation and plantation, and if transgressing the law are re-enslaved under criminal statutes.

Such is the state of things which Mr. Johnson's policy has promoted, and the natural development of which into either a new "I think that if another election were held secession, or a servile war, or both, his policy for Congressmen and Senators, they would is still promoting. Any one who considers elect men who are even stronger in their senti- the evidence carefully will not be surprised ments for the South and against the Govern- that in spite of those financial differences hent than those heretofore elected. They did which separate North-West and North-East, in some cases try to pick men who would not they should unite to resist the insanely conbe objectionable in.every respect. They think stitutional course, constitutional in form, that these men now would be objectionable to utterly unconstitutional in spirit,the Southern people. I infer this from a great which the President, with his narrow demmany things. For instance, all employés of ocratic formula, is so firmly embarking. We railroads, telegraphs, and express companies who were loyal to the Government, are having believe that their verdict will in the end be their heads cut off and their places filled by distinct enough to over-ride even that ironsympathizers with the Rebellion. Many of minded, short-sighted, Southern Unionist them were heretofore officers in the Rebel ser- himself, and that England will have to conFOURTH SERIES. LIVING AGE. VOL. I.

18.

on

suffers a calamity or not, so self-absorbed that they cannot look for a moment beyond questions about which they are at heart.profoundly indifferent, but the truth is they do not believe in the hubbub. They have been so accustomed for fifty years to hear

fess for about the dozenth time in the last few years that she has judged by hasty prejudices, instead of on a calm review of the real evidence, what are the real aims and the real merits of the conflicting authorities at Washington. We do not speak as mere friends of the negro, but as politi-German potentates express great purposes, cians, looking at the general issue. Fortunately for the world the plain claims of justice and of statesmanlike policy are usually joined together by a power which men strive in vain to defeat when they would willingly put them asunder.

From The Spectator, March 24. THE COMING STORM IN EUROPE.

and discuss wide plans, and make a resonant
fuss about resources without doing any-
thing, that they cannot believe anything is
going to be done now. During the lifetime
of this generation Prussia has always been
announcing her intention of taking some-
thing or other, which Austria has always
refused her permission to take, and after an
immense tintamarre neither party has ob-
tained what it professed so strongly to
desire. Twice the Powers have appeared
to be on the brink of war, once their armies
have been drawn out in battle array, once
both have seemed within a hairsbreadth of 7
being absorbed in an organization which
would have changed the face of Europe.
Nothing has come of it all, and nothing,
says the English ten-pounder, the most
sensible and the most stupid human being is
now breathing, will come of this fanfaron,
any more than of those which have pre-
ceded it. Some loophole will be found,
some more or less absurd formula of words,
and Germany will go on, and Lippe Detmold
will think his estate a nation, and great
princes will make speeches like American
orations from the stump, and Germans will
write matchless monographs and demand
official permission to travel ten miles, as of
old.

THE dull, dumb, instinctive wisdom of the British people, the wisdom which, like the swallow's flight southward instead of northward, does not depend on intellect, was never more clearly shown than in their view of this German quarrel. There never perhaps was a great Continental danger which excited so little interest. If we may judge from outside symptoms, or indeed from the anxiety with which some doctors of eminence speculate on the character of the pustules, Central Europe is very sick indeed, is in the most imminent danger. It is not only possible, but probable, that before our next issue appears the German people, perhaps of all existing races the one best able to appreciate and enjoy both the lives lived by For once we agree to the bottom of our mankind-the sensuous and the spiritual hearts with the ten-pounder. An instinct, -the race least moved by illusions, yet probably identical with his, though less most tenacious of ideas, the human family wise because less unconscious, compels us which of all others luxuriates in the simplest to believe that, despite all the fuss, and the pleasures and the deepest refinements of thought-will have commenced a civil war. Nearly a million of Germans may be in movement intent on killing each other scientifically, to secure an object which at that price is not worth securing, which could be secured quietly by arrangement, and which if not secured now, nevertheless is as sure to be secured as corn is to grow in an ordinary season. Englishmen do not care. The majority of Englishmen are infinitely more interested in the question whether Earl Grosvenor is wise or foolish in his motion on Reform, is giving expression to a thought, or simply obeying an order passed by the English substitute for a conseil de famille. We will not do our countrymen the injustice to suppose they are really indifferent, really careless whether mankind

clanging of arms, and the waving of feathers, and the careful intsruction in future words of command, Austria and Prussia will not go to war. Either Austria will at the last moment retreat, and taking a heavy bribe as solatium, sing a Te Deum for her victory over human pride; or Prussia, at the twelfth hour dreading the penalties of conquest, will sing the "Quare Fremuerunt Gentes," and exult over her Christian moderation. When two prizefighters can plead the weal of the Fatherland as an excuse for not coming to time, cross is very easily arranged. But while sharing the instinct to the full, we are bound to admit that we do not share the intellectual impression. It is hard to realize the idea of Austria and Prussia at war, but still more hard to conceive the

hatred. If we are in presence of war the Kaiser will issue an order which will be obeyed by six hundred thousand trained soldiers, whom he has the means to move and to feed, if the rest of his subjects starve; and the movement of six hundred thousand men to actual conflict is a calamity which it is not in the power of human language to exaggerate.

path by which they are honourably to avoid things mean war, and we confess, — always the now threatening contest. The stake with the proviso that the lying is not unadmitted to be at issue is great, greater usually portentous, -we see no escape than Englishmen perceive, and the quarrel from the belief that sooner than suffer is very far advanced. The King and Prussian dictation in Holstein, sooner inMinister of Prussia have both pledged deed than see Northern Germany absorbed themselves very deeply to their people that in Prussia, the Hapsburgs will fight, will they will keep the Duchies. Both are men fight now, and will fight hard. If they are who, except under overpowering necessity, compelled to fight, we are in presence of will be apt to keep their word, the Premier another European war of which no man now because he is deliberately offering aggran-living can predict the end or the duration dizement as the preferable alternative of -8 war which will probably engage freedom, the King because he has with the Italians and Danes, Frenchmen and Turks, capacity of a sergeant-major also his con- which will make widows in Sicily as well science, the conscience which repudiates as Zeeland, and leave as many children falsehood except when it serves a visible fatherless in France as in Hungary or Branmilitary end. They will retain the Duchies denburg. It is useless to talk of Austrian unless expelled by force, and if they re- weakness, and chatter about tariffs, and tain them will retain also the potential mutter about metalliques, and quote sophisms Sovereignty of Northern Germany. Meck- about Hungary's opportunity and Venetia's lenburg and the Hesses do not intend to fight. Hanover is saturated with Prussian feeling. The Free Towns, and the Saxons, and the Wurtembergers are powerless in the face of the Prussian army encamped among them, and if the Duchies are successfully annexed Germany north of the Maine is lost to the Kaiser for ever. That is a heavy stake, and that is not all. The Emperor of Austria loses not only that But will the Kaiser be compelled to fight? visionary throne for which his race have There is one, and but one, pacific circumfor five centuries sacrificed all, their souls stance in the whole situation, and upon that included, but will have shaken his hold we try to base what is really only an inover his patrimonial domain, will have stinctive hope. Prussia must begin the shown to Hungary that resistance wins the contest, must actually strike a blow before concessions never granted to reason, and anything overt happens. The Kaiser need will have warned Italy that every hour now do nothing. He is not the offender; he lost is an hour of opportunity. He will not simply says the administration of Holstein risk so fearful a shock to the prestige of belongs by public law and solemn agreer centuries, will rather encounter the war ment to him, and as his troops are in which ever since 1815 his family have ex- Holstein and his Commissioner rules the pected. Unlesss the Continental press is in Duchy, decrees and despatches to the cona conspiracy of lying, he has accepted the trary are singularly unimportant. To comalternative, and is arming fast. A great mence the war the King of Prussia must amy has been collected on the Northern do something very violent, say arrest Dr.. frontier, with Marshal Benedek, a fighting May, editorial person in Holstein, who upoldier, in command. An Archduke has holds the Duke of Augustenburg contrary been despatched to protect the Southern to Prussian decree, and the question is frontier. Croatia, Transylvania, and other whether he will do this. We feel that he provinces of the same kind, in which the will not, will rather enunciate some maggarrison is usually heavy, but which can be nanimous platitude as a reason for not doing eft without soldiers, have been denuded of so, but we think he will. All Germany will troops, all on their march towards the understand if he does not that Prussian northern counties. The treasury is poor, threats have one limit, and that is Austrian but the needful commissariat has been pro- resistance; the Prussian people will undervided All Southern Austria has been in- stand that they have not sacrificed their formed that a requisition for horses is within liberty to secure the future of Germany, the bounds of possibility. All furloughs but to be ruled by a person who dreads have been recalled, and all editors warned action; and the Prussian Army will underthat the movements of troops are now stand that its new organization and the the closest secrets of State. These victory of Duppel have not made it the

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