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Gentio, or Gentoo, was employed by their early writers on Indian discoveries, to denote a religious, and not a national distinction, is evident from De Barros' history of the progress of their discoveries along the western coast of Africa, where, chap. VII., he tells how a chieftain was described by an African narrator as being neither a Moor (i.e. a Mahometan) nor a Gentoo, but one whose customs were in many things like those of Christians. Whilst when Vasco da Gama had passed round the Cape as far as Melinda, his vessels were visited by Mahometans who had come from the kingdom of Cambaia, and had with them certain "Banyans of the Gentoos of Cambaia," who seeing an image of Our Lady, says De Barros, made offerings to it of cloves and other spicery, with which the Portuguese were much pleased, as thinking this indicated that they were Christians.

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HENRY WALTER.

It is possible that Halhed may have hit upon the common source of the Latin gens, genus, and kindred Greek words, which, if it be so, has led through this channel to the formation of the word Gentile, in Portuguese Gentio. I need not tell your readers that heathen is formed out of the Greek for nations, and Gentile out of the corresponding Latin word, and that neither of these terms was reproach ful in its origin. It was In the absence of any means of ascertainsimply because all the nations except that ing what Hindoostanee characters this word of Israel were left for a time without the is intended to represent, I would nevertheknowledge of the true God, that whatever less suggest that it and Hindoo are but two term was equivalent to nations became attempts at rendering the same Asiatic word equivalent in a Jewish hearers mind to wor-into European characters: the gutturals shippers of false gods; and whereas after the nations of the Roman world had become united with the Jews in acknowledging one God, the worship of their false gods lingered in villages, where ministers of religion were not generally placed, till rulets acknowledged the duty of providing religious instruction for all their subjects, the word Pagans, previously meaning villagers, took the place of heathens and Gentiles, though it did not entirely supersede those older terms. With us, contrary to the general habit of our language, the words of Greek origin have become much more popular, in this instance, than the Latin word, though Gentile occurs so frequently in our Bibles; Gilchrist, in preface (p. XVIII.) to his where, I suspect, that the uneducated Dictionary (Hind. Dict., Calcutta, 1787), classes regard it as a national appellation. says:

being more strongly enunciated in one case than in the other. Every book almost, of Eastern travel, spells certain words differently to its predecessor: thus we have Genie and djin; vizir and wuzeer; durweesh (Crescent and Cross), dervich (Vathek), and dervish; pacha and bashaw; Mahomet and Mahomed; soldan and sultan, fc. So also in Scripture names, the Hebrew words are rendered very differently in the authorized version and in the LXX. Thus we have in the former, Ai, Zoar, Nun, &c., where the latter has, 'Ayyal, Enywp, Navn, &c.

J. EASTWOOD.

Their Shem forefathers used the words "From Hindoo I have traced Gentoo in theoda, i. e. nations; and our German the Grammar (p. 28. q. v.), with more reakinsmen use heiden, from the same Greek son I believe than deducing it from Gentile, source as our heathen. The French say Payons from Pagan. The Portuguese keep to the word of Latin source, Gentio; and use that word for worshippers of idols, to distinguish them from the Mahometans, who acknowledge one God. That the word

a word that neither we, nor the Portuguese, could well corrupt to Gentoo, which not being adopted by the natives at all, can hardly be deemed one of their corruptions. It is deservedly becoming obsolete, by Hindoo assuming on all late occasions to its place."

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HEALING BY THE TOUCH.-Reading lately the Lives of the Bishops of Aberdeen, by Hector Boëthius, a small work printed in Paris, A.D. 1522, I observed that Bishop Elphinston, the founder of King's College, Aberdeen, before his elevation to the episcopal dignity, while on an embassy from James III., King of Scots, to Louis XI., King of France, in a complimentary speech addressed to the French monarch, congratulated him as the only prince to whom God had granted the peculiar gift of healing by the touch. Before recording the speech, Boëthius

formed by the Portuguese or Dutch? Since we observe that Jerusalem jacinth, are also written, Jerusalem, hyacinth," &c.

Todd (Johnson), quoting Halhed (Code of Gentoo Laws, Pref., p. xxI.), gives a long note on this word. R. S. CHARNOCK.

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ascribed the supernatural virtue of our kings in curing the scirrhous tumor, called the king's evil; though this author is willing to impute it to the singular piety of Edward the Confessor. There is no proof of any of our kings touching for that distemper more ancient than this king; of whom Ailred (Vit. S. Edwardi, p. 390.), as well as Malmsbury, observe, that he cured a young married woman, reduced by it to a deplorable condition, by the stroking the place affected with his hand. There are no accounts of the first four kings of Norman, or foreign race, ever attempting to cure that complaint; but that, Henry II. both touched those afflicted with it, and cured them, is attested by Petrus Blesensis (Epist. 150. p. 235.), who had been his chaplain. See Plot's Oxfordshire, ch. x. $125., and plate xvi. No. 5., for some account, accompanied with a drawing, of the touch-piece "Tantum regem amicum habere gaudet, supposed to be given by Edward the Confessor. gloriatur (Jacobus III.); te, inquam, Franco-The kings of France also claimed the right to rum rex invictissime, qui inter mortales princeps solus, Dei sine controversia dono peculiari, branchum foedum atque perniciosum morbum solo manus curas attactu."-Fol. xxii. p. 2.

says:

"Orationis non sententiam solum, sed et verba, ne quid varietur, visum est referre.-De Vitis Episcop., folio xx. p. 2.

The words of the speaker on the subject of the touch, are:

It is well known that it was at one time thought that some of the British sovereigns possessed the power of healing by the touch. In a Prayer-Book of the Church of England, printed in the reign of Queen Anne, I find a service entitled "At the Healing," in which the following passage occurs:

"Then shall the infirm Persons, one by one, be presented to the Queen upon their Knees, and as every one is presented, and while the Queen is laying her Hands upon them, and putting the Gold about their Necks, the Chaplain that officiates, turning himself to her Majesty, shall say the words following:

"God give a Blessing to this Work; And grant that these sick Persons, on whom the Queen lays Her Hands, may recover, thro' Jesus Christ our Lord."

These notes suggest the following Queries, which some of your correspondents may perhaps have the goodness to answer:

1. Who was the first British sovereign who attempted to heal by the touch?

2. When was the ceremony disused?

T. R. ABREDONENSIS. [The practice of touching for the evil appears to be one of English growth, commencing with Edward the Confessor. Carte (Hist. of England, book iv. sect. 42.) says, "It was to the hereditary right of the royal line that people in William of Malmsbury's days (lib. ii. c. 18.)

dispense the gift of healing. Laurentius, first
physician to Henry IV. of France, who is indig-
nant at the attempt made to derive its origin
from Edward the Confessor, asserts the power
to have commenced with Clovis I.
The cere
mony was more or less continued to the reign
of Queen Anne, for in Lent, 1712, we find Dr.
Johnson amongst the number of persons actually

touched.

Whiston, in his Memoirs, i. 442., edit. 1749, states that "Queen Anne used to touch for the evil; though (says he) I think King George the First or Second, have ever that neither King William nor Queen Mary, nor done it." Rapin also adds, that "in the reign of William III. it was not on any occasion exercised." Macaulay, however, mentions one case during the reign of the Prince of Orange, "commonly called William III.," as Tom Hearne has it. "William," says Macaulay,

had too much sense to be duped, and too much honesty to bear a part in what he knew to be an imposture. It is a silly superstition,' he exclaimed, when he heard that, at the close of Lent, his palace was besieged by a crowd of the sick: Give the poor creatures some money, and send them away.' On one single occasion he was importuned into laying his hand on patient. God give you better health,' he said, and more sense. 999 (Hist. of England, iii. 480.) Consult on this subject, Fuller's Church History, cent. xi. sects. 30-88; Beckett's Free and Impartial Enquiry into the Antiquity and Efficacy of Touching for the King's Evil, 8 vo. 1722; and Pettigrew On Superstitions connected with the History and Practice of Medicine.]-Notes and Queries.

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From The Examiner.

Letters of John Calvin, compiled from the
Original Manuscripts, and edited, with
Historical Notes, by Dr. Jules Bonnet.
Vol. II. Translated from the Original
Latin and French. Constable and Co.

The second volume of this first complete

issue of the Letters of Calvin that remain ex

tant in Switzerland, traces in the reformer's hand the outline of eight more years of his energetic life. The letters are those written in the years 1545-1553. There is a strange mingling in them all of Christian love with theologic hate; of Christian humility with spiritual pride. Take this, for example, in a letter (not heretofore printed) written to Favel in February, 1546.

"Wherefore, it would be much better that these things should be pruned away, so that you might have nothing which is not conform to the Word of God, and serviceable for the edification of the Church. It is quite true we ought to bear with the weak; but in order to strengthen them, and to lead them to greater perfection. That does not mean, however, that we are to humor blockheads who wish for this or that, without knowing why. I know the consideration which keeps back many is, that they are afraid too great a change could not be carried through. It is admitted, that when we have to do with neighbors with whom we desire to cherish them by giving way in many things. In friendly feeling, one is disposed to gratify worldly matters, that may be quite bearable, wherein it is allowable to yield one to another, and to forego one's right for the sake of peace; but it is not altogether the same thing in regard to the spiritual governance of the Church, which ought to be according to the ordinance of the Word of God."

"Servetus lately wrote to me, and coupled with his letter a long volume of his delirious fancies, with the Thrasonic boast, that I should see something astonishing and unheard of. He takes it upon him to come hither, if it be agreeable to me. But I am A letter to Bullinger-we quote only new unwilling to pledge my word for his safety, matter-begins in this way, pleasantly and for if he shall come, I shall never permit him to depart alive, provided my authority be of any avail.

wisely:

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Although you readily excuse the fewness "More than fifteen days have now elapsed of my letters, and even, with your usual since Cartelier was imprisoned, for having, courtesy, voluntarily relieve me of that duty, at supper in his own house, raged against I nevertheless feel ashamed of my exceeding me with such insolence as to make it clear that he was not then in his right senses. I concealed what I felt, but I testified to the judge that it would be agreeable to me were he proceeded against with the utmost rigor of the law. I wished to go to see him. Access was prohibited by decree of the Senate; and yet some good men accuse me of cruelty, forsooth, because I so pertinaciously revenge my injuries. I have been requested by his friends to undertake the part of intercessor. I refused to do so, except on these two conditions, viz., that no suspicion should attach to me, and that the honor of Christ should remain intact. I have now done. I abide the judgment of the Council."

indolence and negligence, in having been less attentive to you than to some of my every-day friends. But, indeed, the reason of this is, that others, by their violent importunity, shake me free of my listlessness. You, with a more generous indulgence, allow me to be silent; and, indeed, I am so much exhausted by constant writing, and so greatly broken down by fatigue, that I frequently feel an almost positive aversion to writing a letter. Would that others had as much of your moderation as would enable them to cultivate a sincere friendship at the expense of less writing. Our French friends oppress me in this way beyond all consideration. It so happens, that by continually Again, there is a long letter addressed to apoligizing, I am getting myself suspected of indolence by my particular friends. Add the Protector Somerset, in 1548, planning to this, that unless I have a definite subject the establishment of pure religion through- before me, I seem to act absurdly enough out England, printed here from a copy pre- when I drag in matters known to everybody, served in the Library of Geneva, which as if they were possessed of novelty.' states emphatically enough Calvin's views upon toleration. After alluding to a prayer for the dead, customary in England on occasion of communicating in the Lord's Supper, to the chrism, extreme unction, and such matters, he says,

Of exhortation to continue in the faith, to spread the faith, to wear for it the crown of martyrdom; of the ten thousand small disputes which clung to the great controversy upon which Calvin spent his life, and upon which he scarcely spent less labor than on

the main work itself; of printing of books | The number of new letters added to the puband tracts; of Calvin by the death-bed of lished correspondence is considerable, and his wife, Idelette de Bure, as well as at other the value of the new matter is often great, death-beds; of the hopes raised by the reign though it will tend little to alter any estimate of Edward VI in England, and destroyed by that may be made-according to the knowlhis death; of the controversy with Servetus edge and the disposition of the judge-of and its end, these letters contain record. Calvin's character.

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SEPARATION OF SEXES IN CHURCH.-In a very | by Mr. Ashpitel and that was, whether anything interesting paper "On Choirs and Chancels," was known as to the reasons which induced the read by Mr. Ashpitel before the Society of An- reformers to insist that the altar must always be tiquaries, on Thursday, the 14th Jan., that movable? Is any instance known where it has gentleman made reference to several traditions been moved, or can any reader throw any light with respect to church matters, which he had on the matter? The regulation must have been heard during his residence in Italy, Switzerland before the rise of Puritanism, or before the cus&c,. which are very curious and seem to me tom of sitting round the table which prevails in fitting subjects for Queries. For instance, the the Presbyterian churches.-Notes and Queseparation of the sexes in church, which in Eng-ries. land we are accusomed to consider as a practice of the Church of Rome, is in Rome considered one

of the results of the Reformation. In the Italian cantons of Switzerland this was so considered, and the practice obtains in the Protestant and not in the Catholic cantons; and as this separation could not be well effected unless the churches were seated or pewed after the modern fashion-one may well ask, was this so? By-the-by, Mr. Ashpitel quoted a passage from Bale's Image of Both Churches, in which Bale speaks of all shrynes, images, church stooles, and pewes that are well payed for." Can any reader of "N. & Q." point out an earlier allusion to pews?

Another curious tradition mentioned by Mr. Ashpitel, and respecting which one would like to know if there is any contemporary evidence existing-is, that at the time of the compilation of the Book of Common Prayer, the Reformers were unwilling to use the words "the Gospel side of the altar," and therefore substituted the words of the present Rubric, "the north side,' a change which would go far to fix the orientation of all churches built after that time.

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A third and very curious tradition mentioned by Mr. Ashpitel seems well deserving of farther investigation. It is well known that every nation but ourselves, and even our own Roman Catholic fellow-subjects, pronounce Latin after the Italian fashion, with the broad a and e. A tradition exists in Rome that our present pronunciation originated in the time of Elizabeth, at the suggestion of Sir John Cheke (who, however, died at the close of Mary's reign), and that the English mode of pronouncing Latin was then introduced into all grammar schools; its object being to detect, by their mode of pronouncing Latin, those who had received their education abroad, and so might be suspected of being priests in disguise, or persons disaffected towards the government. Can any reader of "N. & Q." throw light on this curious story?

Another curious suggestion was thrown out

SOLOMON'S JUDGMENT.-Some time since one

of your correspondents desired to know a parallel to Solomon's Judgment. One occurs in Gesta Romanorum. Three youths to decide aquestion are desired by their referee, the King of Jerusalem, to shoot at their father's dead body. One only refuses; and to him, as the rightful heir, the legacy is awarded.

In Harl, MS. 4528, is a similar story told as occurring in the kingdom of Pegu: one woman's child is carried away by an alligator; she and another mother claim a child; they are desired to pull for it; the infant cries, and one instantly quits her hold, and the judge awards the child

to her.

The former incident was frequently quoted in the pulpit. The Emperor Claudius (Suetonius in Claud., c. xv.), when a woman refused to acknowledge her son, ordered them to be married. The mother confessed her child at once. Probably this is the incident for which the inquiry was made.-Notes and Queries.

AMULET.-The Lat. amuletum is without doubt from the Arabic hama-il, a small kuran, suspended from the neck as a preservative; also a necklace of flowers; pl. of himalat, lit. taking upon oneself; undertaking for; also a swordbelt, from hamala, to carry (portavit onus in The Arabs dorso) whence hammal, a porter. may have used both the sing. and pl. to signify the same, and the Latin word may have come from himalat.-Notes and Queries.

IMPS.-In Devonshire this name is applied to the "suckers or shoots from the roots of trees." A friend of mine, who wished to improve the fences of some property he had purchased, was told by his laborer, "he must dig up all the imps, root out all the mutes (decayed stumps of old trees) and clear off all the witches (young elms.")-Notes and Queries.

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From The Athenæum.

This boy of nineteen might have lived the Mémoires complets et authentiques du Duc de life of a Sybarite at court. He did better; Saint-Simon sur le Siècle de Louis XIV. at that age he commenced writing the hiset la Régence. Collationnés sur le Mamu-tory of his times: that is to say, the history scrit Original par M. Cheruel, et précédés of the Court and all connected with it; for d'une Notice par M. Sainte-Beuve. 20 vols. Vols. I.-XI. (Paris, Hachette & St.-Simon was very much of the opinion of Co.) those red-heeled courtiers who supposed that The Memoirs of the Duke of Saint Simon the world extended only from Paris to Veron the Reign of Louis XIV. and the Re-sailles, and that the sun rose in one locality gency. Abridged from the French. By and set in the other. Bayle St. John. First Series. 2 vols. (Chapman & Hall.)

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To commence such a work was not much : "Qui commence bien ne fait rien s'il Ir was the most unlucky of days for Louis n'achève.' But St.-Simon never looked the Fourteenth, when, in 1691, the old Duke back from his work. Soldier and courtier, of St.-Simon, then not, far from ninety, led he was ever at the necessary post and fulfilled into the royal presence his son of sixteen and the required duty. In battle and at banasked a place in one of the two regiments of quet, plunging through the frivolities and musketeers. No noble could attain the em- performing the serious offices expected from ployment of an officer who had not previ- him, he was forever before the public. But ously served, at least a year, as a private in in whatever task engaged, his eyes, ears and one of the regiments above named, hence mind were on the alert,-he was examining the request. It was graciously granted. people, probing them, trying them, judging The King remarked that the boy was little, them, and at night he set down the experiand looked very young. "He will serve ences of the day, the anecdotes he had heard, you the longer, sire,' was the paternal the gay or terrible sights he had seen; and answer; and therewith all difficulties for threescore years he never paused in his

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The boy did credit to the paternal recommendation, and by the time he had accomplished his nineteenth year he had fought and worked his way to distinction, and had become colonel of a regiment. Previously to joining the army, he had studied philosophy, and gone through a dry course of education little suited to the turn of his mind. If he had been permitted, he says, to diligently study the great historians, he should have, perhaps, been an historian himself. He, probably, in such case, would have been a little more perfect, and infinitely less original. As it was, he listened to his old father's older stories with eager delight, and this was a preparatory course of no small profit to him. He took no vices with him to camp or court, and does not appear to have contracted any. He was a good, pious, moral lad, not unambitious and not without a very respectable share of human failings. He was gifted, too, with acute power of observation and a contempt for idle fellows. DCXC. LIVING AGE. VOL. XVIII. 25

task. During the whole period of his career at court, from the time he entered the musketeers until the days of his mature manhood and the Orleans regency, he was engaged in sketching to the life the features of all and every thing around him. When the hour sounded for his retreat, he devoted his season of leisure to making of his sketches one grand panorama. When he died, his papers were, so to speak, sequestrated. The public has, from time to time, been permitted to see portions of his work, but there has never been a complete edition of it announced or sanctioned till that now in progress under the responsibility of M. Cheruel. Even when that of 1829 appeared,-" la sensation produite par les premiers volumes," says M. Ste.-Beuve, "fut très vive; ce fut le plus grand succès depuis les romans de Walter Scott." The success of the present edition, in every respect improved, as far as we are enabled to judge by the volumes before us, will assuredly not be less than that of eightand-twenty years ago.

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