were t nent to ortant i say, y be s ·larati that wise and eating measure. But after the Caion with Scotland. teater (GUIT gogureos, must be in a comfortable conditea di over the empire, otherwise they QOUR DEL VE on remain in comfort a an“ Jachenar quarer Suppose 7814 have had where Land was NOW, A und wure or at s the dis ometi action nt. nt w rity the y to g his at, n opin rit 1 eteri ition .we sat 2 remedy the evils which had been the subject of so much complaint. The Duke of Richmond was glad to find it now admitted on all sides, that his motion of last year was not a factious one. Commons put the question, that the Union Bill should pass, there were some in the House, and those of considerable legal learning, who gave their opinion that the measure might be resisted by force. He at that time had the command of a military body; and he then stated, that as the measure had been passed by a majority of the House, and would, no doubt, be adoped by the whole Parliament, he would submit to it, and would defend it with all his power, as he would have defended a measure of which he should have fully approved. He stated this, in order to show that there was no inconsistency on his part in now decidedly opposing a repeal of the Union. The Marquis of Salisbury felt himself bound to say, that he had heard from a person of considerable influence in the Government, that if the noble Duke's Motion had been confined to an inquiry into the state of the Poor-laws, he would not have opposed it. The Duke of Richmond: Then the Government ought to have moved as an amendment, that the latter part should be left out. The Bill read a first time, to be printed, and read a second time, on Tuesday week. HOUSE OF COMMONS, The Earl of Winchilsea was desirous of explaining, as this point seemed misunderstood, that his Bill applied only to those parishes where there were able-bodied, unemployed labourers, and not to any others. He was persuaded, that the yeomanry neither of Kent nor Sussex to whom MINUTES.] Returns ordered. On the Motion of Mr. allusion had been made, had done anything improper. The Duke of Wellington assured the noble Lords who pressed this matter upon the attention of Government, that the Government had not been inattentive to the subject. The real truth was, that the administration of the Poor-laws was so various in different places, that it was impossible to find out where the evil lay, or to prepare any one measure which would apply to all, for what would answer in one place would not answer in another. A noble Duke had said, that the Ministers knew nothing about the administration of the Poor-laws; and it was true that they could not well know how they were administered in every parish, when the modes of administration were so exceedingly various. But the variety of these modes proved how very difficult it must be to find out a general remedy. He agreed in what had been stated respecting the consequences of the resort of the superabundant unemployed Irish to this country; but there again it was extremely difficult to find a remedy. The noble Lord opposite (Suffield) had himself suggested two remedies, or plans, which he thought would be attended with advantage in Norfolk; but it did not follow that what would be a beneficial plan in Norfolk would answer in Kent and Sussex. The Government, however, felt every disposition to do all that lay in its power to Thursday, Nov. 11. BERNAL, of the Claims of British subjects on France in 1793, which have been satisfied, and Accounts connected therewith:-On the Motion of Mr. Alderman WAITHMAN, of the daily Employ and Service of the several Ships or Vessels undermentioned, belonging to, or employed by his Majesty's Ordnance, from the 20th day of July, 1830, to the 10th day of August, 1830, inclusive; viz. the Ebenezer of Woolwich, Chatham of Purfleet, Fanny of Woolwich, Harmony of Chatham, Wellington of Upnor, and Ligonier of same. Also, an Address for Copy of the Record of Conviction of William Edwards, at the Rochester Sessions, 1824, who was found guilty of Smuggling, and sentenced to five years service on board the Prince Regent; also, a Report of whether he served such time; and if not, when, and under what circumstances he left; and whether he has since served out the said time, or received, and from whom, and when, a remission of the remainder, or any part of his sentence. On the Motion of Mr. SLANEY, a Bill for the better rating Tenements under a certain annual value, ordered to be brought in by Mr. Slaney, Lord Viscount Althorp, and Sir Thomas Freemantle, and was brought in accordingly. On the Motion of Mr. BRISCOE, the Settlement of the Poor Bill was read a second time. Petitions presented. By Mr. H. DAVIS, from a Parish in Bristol, for a Repeal of the House and Window Tax. By Mr. WRIGHTSON, from Kingston-upon-Hull, for a Repeal of the Coast Duty on Coals. By Sir R. BATESON, from certain Cotton Weavers in the County of Down, for means to Emigrate to the Colonies. For the abolition of Colonial Slavery, from Durham, by Mr. A. TAYLOR:By Mr. LITTLETON, seventy from Staffordshire:-By Sir H. BUNBURY, twelve from Suffolk:-By Mr. Evans, sixty-four from Leicester:-By Sir C. LEMON, two from Penryn :-By Mr. STEWART, from Derby:-By Sir W. INGILBY, 150 from the County of Lincoln By Mr. RUSSELL, Sixteen from the County of Du BELL, four from Northumberland: from Melbourn, in Derbyshire:-B Southampton, and one from Jersey LETT, forty-three from Durham forty from Norwich:-By Sir T./ Devon:--By Lord NORREYS, fre shire: By Sir C. TYRELL, tw Mr. D. SYKES, from Hull and / Mr. O'CONNELL, from Huncote CALVERT, three from Parishes RICKFORD, from a Parish in B MORPETH, 254 from various parts of Yorkshire:--By By Mr. Bymo, from Kingsland, and nine other places In Middlesex 1 By Sir J. GRAHAM, from Cockermouth, and another place in Cumberland: By Mr. SPRING RICE, from Parishes in Limerick : By Mr. DICKINSON, from the Archdeacon and Clergy of the Archdeaconry of Wells: By Mr. CALORAYT, two from Wareham and the neighbourhood By Mr. STANLEY, from Preston:-By Mr. BRowNow, from Smeddeyhaugh, Scotland:-By Lord HARDON, from the Inhabitants of Sandon: By Mr. Hynek, from Randwick: By Lord ACHESON, from Gillingham, Herringham, and five other Parishes. By Mr. O'CONNELL, from the Hatters and Feltmakers of Carlow, complaining of Distress, and praying for a Repeal of the Legislative Union; and a similar Petition from Persons resident in London. By the same hon. Member, from John Mahene, of Dundalk, complaining of the Magistrates of that place. By Mr. Wiks, from the Protestant Disconference at Shaftesbury, praying for Jewish Emancipation. By Mr. Hum, from the Masons of Lanark, praying for a Reform in Parliament. By Mr. DENISON, from the Parish of St. Mary, Newington, complaining of the Expense of the Metropolitan Police, senting Ministers of Dorsetshire, holding their annual AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS TAXATION.] Mr. Hodges presented a petition from the Mayor, Jurats and Commonalty, householders, and inhabitants of the town and hundred of Tenterden, Kent praying for the reduction of taxation. A more important petition he observed, had not been presented for some time to the House. He said this in consideration of the place from whence it came-a part of the county of Kent, which had recently been the scene of very unpleasant transactions, and in consideration of the feelings which had dictated it, the almost desperate situation of the inhabitants of that part of the country having called forth the petition. With the leave of the House he would read it, which the hon. Member did as follows: That the agricultural interest has for many years past been in so depressed a condition, that farmers have not been enabled to afford to pay their labourers at the usual rate of remuneration for their work, and that there by many industrious labouring men have become burthens to their parishes, and in many places been reduced to priration and distress. That your petitioners are desirous of calling the attention of your honourable House to the subject, that the distress is dwile increasing; and they, therefore, most humbly intreat your honourable House to institute an inquiry into the causes of the present agricultural distress. Your pet tioners further take leave respectfully to suggest, that the grant burthen on land. halders may, in some measure, be removed. by lowering the rate of tithes. Your patitioners further entrent, your earnest en** words effecting a reform in the Members of your honourable House, also a reduction of the taxes. That your pe titioners are impressed with a lively sense of the sacrifice which his most gracious Majesty has recently made to the wants and distresses of his people-an example which your petitioners consider well worthy of imitation. That your petitioners beg to assure your honourable House of their loyalty to his Majesty and his most gracious Consort." This was the prayer of a Corporation that he had known for upwards of forty years to have been distinguished by almos invariable professions and principles of attachment to what were called Ministerial principles. He was convinced, that a very few years ago this petition would not har received one of the numerous signature which were now attached to it. Her membered that town when it was one d the most flourishing and wealthy in whole county, and at present it was in ed in the deepest distress. He sta plain fact which, he trusted, wod credited on his assertion. At the be this petition was the signature of a p whose loyalty had never been ex even by that of any hon. Member House; but he, in common with al neighbours, was so strongly in with the necessity of a reform, something being done to alleviate the tress, that he had willingly signed petition. He believed, indeed. distress complained of in the petci isted everywhere. The impression 1 district on the mind of the landbouder that having heavy poor-rates to per heavy taxes of one sort or an could not pay his workmen as he oder would. That was the situation people about the place from whene petition came. He had lived in Lar some time, and he knew that the dist in that county at present was not exst ed in any part of Europe. Thoug labourer might be receiving in sont » different situation from that in which 12s. a week for his work, he was in L known him to be. He recollected is a state of perfect independence, able-bodied man who was willing never wanted employment; and vie was able to live comfortably withinir ing relief from anybody. DOW? A man with 12s. a week a very utmost, and a wife and family 75 port, must come upon the parish. 1 quize clear, unless some reduction How wa 2 to. ation took place, some relief was afforded, comfort and tranquillity could never be restored; and agriculture could never return to its former state. He would not ask the right hon. Secretary of State whether he really believed in the existence of the distress, and in its gradual increase; he was perfectly sure that every man of common understanding was aware of that fact. For fifteen years he would venture to say, the country had been gradually getting into a worse condition, and it was now reduced to such a state, that unless measures of the most prompt and effectual description were resorted to, it would be utterly impossible to foretell the consequences. If a very great retrenchment were not made, and very shortly, the tranquillity of England would be put to hazard. Under these circumstances, he looked forward with the utmost anxiety to the plan of Ministers, for he was quite certain that the prosperity of the country would be compromised for many years if large retrenchment and large reform were not conceded to the people. Ordered to lie on the Table. CASE OF DR. PHILLPOTTS.] Lord Belgrave said :—I have been requested by the Very Rev. Dean of Chester to make a communication of some importance to the House. In doing so, I think it right to state, that I have no intimate acquaintance with that reverend personage; but from what I know of his character, I have considered it due to him to accede to his request. The rev. gentleman says, in a letter which he has addressed to me, that he should esteem it a very great favour if I would state in the House of Commons this evening, that he earnestly requests hon. Members will suspend their judgments upon the question which is to be brought forward about him on the 18th, until they have heard those statements which he ventures to hope will be found satisfactory to the House. In the mean time, he trusts that those ex parte allegations which have appeared in the newspapers and elsewhere, and to which it must be evident that he cannot reply, will not be allowed to bias the judgments of those who have to pronounce upon the case. For my own part, I have no hesitation in calling upon the House to do this, namely, to suspend their judgments. This is all I ask of the House, for I am not acquainted with the facts of the case, VOL. I. and shall certainly exercise my judgment upon the merits of it, when the statements to which the reverend gentleman refers shall be brought forward. SUBLETTING ACT.] Mr. O'Connell rose, pursuant to notice, to move for leave to bring in a Bill to repeal the Statute 7 George 4th, cap. 29, commonly called the Subletting Act. He pursued this course because he was convinced that, if there were anything objectionable in the Act-and it was admitted on all hands that there wasit would be better to bring in a new Statute at once, than to attempt to patch up the old one. This Statute was the law in Ireland, but it was not the law in England, and he thought he had a right to have a case made out why the law of landlord and tenant should be different in the two countries. This Act had two objects in view, and it might be, for convenience-nay, it ought to be, for convenience,-divided into two Statutes. The first part of the Act related to existing leases and contracts; the second, to leases and contracts to be hereafter made. The first part of the Act altered the nature of contracts then subsisting, by giving a literal meaning to the words of contracts; whereas a legal meaning, which was a different meaning, attached to those words before. This was an unjust, because an ex post facto law, and the object of it was to strike out of contracts a qualification which was advantageous to the tenants. He knew that some Gentlemen had said that they liked the principle of this Act, though they objected to the details of it. Could any one say, that he liked the principle of this part of the Act--the dishonest principle of an ex post facto law, which violated existing engagements? The second part of the Statute, he admitted, was purely prospective, and that was a legitimate mode of legislating, which the other was not. This part of the Act prohibited the subletting of lands in Ireland, except in three cases. The excepted cases, were, first, lands held on leases for lives renewable for ever; secondly, lands held on a term of ninety-nine years; thirdly, all lands belonging to the Church. With these three exceptions, the Act operated universally. Why, he should like to know, was the law to interfere between the landlord and the tenant? Why not allow the landlord and the tenant to make what contracts santry was to produce a beneficial effect, then, indeed, there would be some truth in these dissertations, and some sense in the pages of evidence which unfeeling sheep and cattle instead of human beings. men had given in favour of cultivating While he was upon this subject, let him mention an act which it gave him the greatest satisfaction to record. So great had been the increase of beggars, that the Mendicity Association of Dublin must have closed its doors if the Duke of Northumberland had not presented it with tion not out of the public money, but out a donation of 1,000l. He meant a donaof his Grace's private purse. He could they pleased between themselves? This Act had taken away the freedom of the only trade they had in Ireland,-namely, the trade in land. He might be told, that the Act did not do this in words. admitted this, but such was, in fact, the He operation of the Act. It said, that the landlord should no longer distrain upon the under-tenant, and of course no landlord would consent to lose the remedy of distraining upon the occupied land. The question, after all, came to this-ought the law to interfere between landlord and tenant? He thought not. But it was said that this law was good, because it would enable land-owners to clear their estates. This was the argument of heart-state further, that after that sum of 1,000l. less and unfeeling men, who thought it better to support upon an estate a great many beasts, and very few human beings, than a large population. However, let it be understood, that in applying for the repeal of this Act, he did not propose to take away from the landlord the right of clearing his estate. That right would remain with the landlord still, who could exercise it, if he thought proper, in its fullest extent; only it was not, he contended, the part of a considerate and humane Government to make itself the auxiliary of the landlord, to compel him to clear his estate, and thus to take away from the landlord the reproach of inhumanity and hard-heartedness. men. upon He was was exhausted, the Association had been kept going by the private contributions of a member of his Grace's family-a female, whose name he would not, of course, mention. He knew these facts to be as he had stated them. But to return to this Statute, of which, he repeated, the effect had been, to increase mendicity to an alarming extent, it was a political economy measure, not a Government Act. Its professed object was, to create large farms, and this, the political economist said, was a great good. He would meet these Gentlemen upon the fact-the Act had not created large farms. It prevented labourers being employed, for if the landlord gave keep it. the labourer a holding, the labourer might bourhood of lands excepted from the Unless, therefore, in the neighoperation of the Act, no large farms could exist, because the owners would not risk the employment of the number of labourers necessary to cultivate them. To the operation of this Act was to be traced the erroneous notion that there was a superabundance of labour in Ireland. There was that country: the superabundance of no natural superabundance of labour in labour was artificial, and caused by bad laws and bad government. state of things were allowed to continue, If such a he apprehended-however dangerous the admission might appear—a servile war in Ireland of the worst description. The hon. Member concluded by moving for leave to bring in his Bill. free to confess, that he did not believe this Act to have been an act of the Government. He looked upon it as originating in some political left-handed intrigue of heartless From the period of the Union until the present, all the Statutes enacted by the Legislature had had for their object the oppression of the peasantry, and the giving advantages to the landlord. The Statutes which enabled the landlord to distrain growing crops, and which conferred him the power of ejecting a tenant at an extremely small expense, were of this description, and had been among the main causes of the evils of the poor in Ireland, and consequently, of the disturbances which had unfortunately taken place in that country. The Statutes first enabled the landlord to ruin his tenant, and then to turn him out cheaply. He might be told, that this Mr. Doherty, after claiming the inAct was made for the purpose of creating dulgence of the House on account of inlarge farms, and then there might be re-disposition, said, that he begged to remind peated to him long dissertations upon the hon. Members, that on the passing of this beneficial effects of large farms. If to Act it was admitted on all hands that cause universal mendicity among the pea- there was something in the condition of |