Of the effect of the circular of the 8th

of February he could only judge from a document which he had seen, and which he found had been sent to the Chorltonon-Medlock Union; and on speaking on this subject, he did feel, that the House ought to understand what kind of control they had over the Poor-law commissioners. But from the act of Parliament, if he understood it correctly, it appeared, that every order from the board of Poor-law commissioners ought to be understood as a general order, and was to be laid upon the Table of that House, in order, that such steps might be taken as should be thought necessary if it was disapproved. But he was told, at the office of the board at Somerset-house, that as long as the board only issued one or two at a time, they were not to be considered to be general orders; but not to dwell upon this part of the subject, he must express his hope, that the noble Lord would not on that occasion take shelter in pretexts of political expediency or diplomatic secrecy, and refuse the production of the letter for which he was about to move. The hon. Member concluded by moving

follow, and then the enthralment of the
country would be complete. He should
now proceed more immediately to the
consideration of the question berore the
House. Early in March he had first given
notice of the motion which he was about
to move, and he had then no reason to
think, that the papers he sought would
have been refused. When he made the
motion, however, the noble Lord objected
to the production of the letter, stating,
that it was not a final order determined
upon by the Poor-law commissioners,
but had only, as he thought the noble
Lord said, been laid by them before
some one or two persons in order to have
the advice of those persons upon it; and
then the noble Lord went on to suppose
a case, and said, that if he, as Secretary of
State, had thought proper to write a letter
to his under-secretary, and desire him to
make any suggestions upon it which might
occur to him, the House of Commons
would not think of calling for the produc-
tion of a paper written under such circum-
stances. Be that as it might, this was his
answer, and the noble Lord had thus the
full advantage of his supposed case.
Shortly after this, a public paper, friendly" for the production of a copy of a letter
to the Government, said, that he had
greatly mistaken the fact, in saying, that
this letter had been sent through the
country generally, for that the truth was,
it had only been sent to Poole and (he
thought) two other places. He wrote to
Poole and received, through the medium
of a noble Member of that House, the
following answer from Mr. Parr, the clerk
of the Poole union :-

dated the 8th of January, 1838, addressed by the Poor-law commissioners to the assistant commissioners, with which certain proposed orders for the appointment of assistant overseers were sent."

Lord J. Russell could not object to the motion of the hon. Member on grounds of state necessity, nor that the letter, if produced, would cause any great revelation of state secrets, but he objected to the "My Lord, I much regret, that I have un-production of this letter for the same reaavoidably been prevented answering your Lordship's favour with Mr. Palmer's enclosed before this. The order, with schedules Nos. 1 and 2, for appointing an assistant-overseer, was received from the Poor-law Commissioners on the 13th of January last. The Commissioners sent it to the guardians, and stated it to be an order, they would be prepared to sanction, if the guardians approved of it, and that I, as the clerk, should be instructed to fill it up, and return it to the Commissioners. The guardians were unanimous in their opinion, that the powers given to the assistant-overseer by such order ought not to have been given to any one individual, and the Commissioners were informed, that the guardians disapproved of such order. Subsequently—namely, on the 8th of February, another order was issued to appoint a collector of poor-rates, &c. "Poole, April 24, 1838. "ROBERT H. PARR. "To the right hon. Lord Ashley, M.P,"

sons as he had stated when the matter was first mentioned to him. More than one of the Poor-law commissioners had stated to him that they had directed some one in the office of the board to draw up a letter to be sent to the guardians of some of the Poor-law unions, and that such a letter was sent to two or three of the assistant-commissioners, who were requested to say whether the steps proposed in it would be useful or not. But the commissioners had themselves seen, upon considering the letter as drawn up, that there were two or three points in it which it would not be desirable should be carried into effect. But on the 12th of May they did agree to a letter amended from the former, to be sent as before. Now, his objection to producing documents of this

at a late election. He did not mean to vindicate the conduct of those individuals, which all must concur in thinking highly improper; but surely that was no reason why 200 men, totally unconnected with that conduct, should be left to perish. He trusted, that however great and just might have been the irritation caused by this foolish conduct, that time sufficient had elapsed since its occurrence to erase it completely from the public mind. Under all these circumstances he trusted the right hon. Gentleman would consent to the enlargement of the grant.

Mr. O'Connell said, that if the noble Lord had proposed a distinct vote, he (Mr. O'Connell) should have been exceed. ingly anxious to second him, but as that could not be done consistently with the usages of the House, he must only content himself with pressing on the Chancellor of the Exchequer to accede o the enlargement of the vote. The right hon. Gentleman, of course, ought to be as chary of the public money as of that of individuals; but he could tell the right hon. Gentleman, that there was no portion of that public which would not hear of the increased grant with gladness. They were assembled there to represent every grade and variety of public opinion, but he believed there was no man on either side unrestrained by official duty who would be afraid to answer to his constituents for voting in favour of this grant. The only objection that could be urged to the proposed increase was, that it would be creating an inconvenient precedent by encou raging exiles for political opinions. Why the last century afforded several prece of that kind, and was Poland -the land to which the poet alluded in the bautiful lines

Friend to do something for these poor men. Suppose he only added a sum of only half the amount now proposed, which he thought would not be enough to induce any others to come over for shares. It should be recollected, that in the French Chambers ministers had formerly stated their intention to send no more of those unhappy men to our shores. He hoped, therefore, that nothing would induce his right hon. Friend to withhold the small relief he had asked for from any apprehension of fresh arrivals-a thing which he could render ineffectual by stipulating that no Pole should receive relief out of the original grant who had not resided above a year in this country. He was in nowise personally interested in the Polish cause; he was merely moved by the fate of two hundred unhappy men, who had been driven from their own country, deprived of all the comforts of life, and cast helpless and destitute on our shores without any help save the casual charity of the day. They had made every effort to obtain food by their labour; on railroads and public works, Colonels and others of high rank might be found work ing as common labourers, but being strangers, speaking a strange language, and having few facilities of obtaining employment, the great majority were left to wander starving about the streets. In the police reports accounts would be found of Poles taken in the act of sleeping under our porticos and at our hall doors and such other places of shelter as chance threw in their way. The state of our finances might be urged as a reason for withholding present relief, but he did not think the right hon. Gentleman would give the national distress as a reason for refusing a grant of 5,000l. for so benevolent a purpose. Although our finances were not in the most flourishing state, "Sarmatia fell unwept without a crime." grants were made for the support of the and which lines, although poetical, were British Museum, and for other purposes strictly true-Poland that fell a victim to connected with art and science; and the crimes and perfidy of others-was while we were indulging in these luxuries, she to be excluded from relief? Neither wholesome and beneficial luxuries he need they look to the past as affording would admit, he did not think we should motives for making this grant. The future refrain from the higher luxury of assisting was pregnant with prospects which made those unfortunate men in their present it expedient that we should have Poland state of destitution. There was only one and the Poles on our side. From Gibraltar point more to which he would allude. to the Persian Gulf events were approachAttempts had been made to prejudice the ing which made the alliance of a brave public mind against the Poles, by the people a thing not to be despised. If we fact of twenty or thirty misguided men now refused this paltry sum of 5,000l., we having published placards and interfered should lose all the gratitude we had

acquired by former grants.
wish to enter further into the matter, or to
trench on disputable points. The present
was not a disputable point-it was one
that called for the exercise of one of our
highest virtues that of charity; and, if
the grant did form a precedent, it was one
of wisdom and generosity, and one that
would be hailed with acclaim in every
corner of the British empire.

He did not | but, in 1835, 116 emigrated. This, of course, caused a great reduction, and the whole balance was applied to the assistance of the rest. He did not wish to take any merit to himself in this transaction, he was merely the distributor of the national benevolence; but he defied any man to say, that he had not carried into effect the declaration of Parliament; or that, if he had committed any fault, it The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, was on the side of generosity. What was that there never was a more painful duty im- it they were now called upon to do? Were posed on an individual Member, than that they prepared to commence an interof bringing back the House from the im- minable system of grants? No matter pulses of generosity and compassion to what brought political exiles here. Were the considerations of right and of justice. they to pledge the country to provide for He had, however, one cause for rejoicing, their wants? It was but justice, however, and that was, that he was not now called to say, that the unfortunate men deserved on to defend the withholding of the grant our warmest sympathy. No men could altogether. The question, he was happy have acted with more prudence, more to say, was not one of principle but of honesty, or more resignation than they had degree; and he was also rejoiced to say, since their arrival in this country. Indeed, that he now, for the fifth time, had had their valour in the field was only exceeded the honour of proposing the grant. Now, by their resignation under misfortunes. the point to which he wished to call the Therefore, it was not any want of symattention of the House, and which had pathy that induced him to oppose the inbeen alluded to by his noble Friend, was, crease; but, because he knew, that if in that when the grant was first solicited from 1838 they went beyond the principle oriGovernment the gentlemen who consulted ginally proposed, they would not know Earl Spencer on the subject undertook where to stop. He would remind the that the extent of relief required should House, too, of what had been the course be for the Poles at that period actually in with men who had much stronger claims the country. They not only consented to on us than the Poles-he meant the this stipulation, but stated their determi- Spanish exiles, the companions in arms of nation themselves to resist any attempt at the Duke of Wellington, and who had infraction. He did not wish to press this fought side by side with our own soldiers. point more than it deserved; but he had The grant for their relief, which in 1833 a right to make the House acquainted was 12,000l., in 1837 was only 3,000l.; with facts-facts which an hon. Gentle- in this case, although the same cause had man present could attest. This was in been in operation, he did not call for any 1834. Afterwards, in consequence of the reduction, but merely opposed increasing events at Cracow, new calamities overtook it to 15,000l. There had been one obserthe Poles, and a new class became exiles vation made in passing, to which he would from their native land, and although these only give a passing reply. Allusion was formed no part in the stipulation, the Go- made to the political objects to be served vernment overlooked the fact and relieved in assisting the Poles. He could only them. The vote had not been decreased say, that he disclaimed any such feeling, from its original amount, notwithstand-and that whether the grant was 10,0007. ing that the natural course of things must have greatly diminished the number of claimants; but the balance had been applied to the relief of the Cracow exiles. Among those who wished to leave the country, and who came recommended by the association, were given the entire sum allowed for one year's subsistence to assist them in emigration. From emigration and Sir Stratford Canning observed, that other causes the original number had as the French Government had given posigreatly decreased. It was at first 485, tive assurances that there should be no

or a greater amount, he wished it to be understood as given from motives of generosity, and without a view to any political consequences whatever. In conclusion, he must say that, having consulted his colleagues on the subject, it was his painful duty to rest contented with the grant as it now stood.

further attempts to send the Poles out of that country, be thought the present was an occasion on which the national benevolence might be safely exercised. He must express his concurrence in the sentiments of his noble Friend, and his satisfaction at hearing the tribute to the good conduct of the Poles, which the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer had so well expressed.

Mr. Briscoe mourned for the decision to which the right hon. Gentleman had come, because he thought the reputation of the country was involved in it. He had listened with the utmost attention to the statement of the right hon. Gentleman, and he heard nothing in it to justify our withholding relief from those who were peri hing in our streets. This was no party or political question, but one of need and destitution a destitution of the extent of which the House was most probably not aware. He had taken some pains to ascertain the facts, and he found the actual number excluded from participation in the grant to be 189. Of these seventeen were field officers-126 officers, and thirty-six soldiers, and ten the wives and children of soldiers. This was the exact number of persons who were depending on the casual bounty of the public, and of these some had been many days without food. The increase asked was a mere trifle. The apprehension of an increase of the grant being likely to induce more Poles to come to this country was groundless, more especially after the declaration of the French Minister, when he stated, that it was not the intention of the present government to send more Poles into England. This country, therefore, might, without danger, give free scope to its generosity. It was, in his opinion, a mistaken economy to refuse so small an addition to the grant. He would rather see the 5,0007. deducted from the expense of the coronation than refused on such an occasion as the present. We ought not to suffer those brave and much-enduring men, who fled from tyranny to our shores, to find there not an asylum, but a grave.

generous public. He trusted, that the finances of the country were not so low as to render a refusal of the increase to this grant necessary. He hoped the Chancellor of the Exchequer would see the propriety of acceding to the proposition.

Sir Francis Burdett would not do justice to his own feelings, if he did not cordially support the increase of this grant. He felt, that he could add nothing in favour of the proposition to the excellent obser vations made by the hon. and learned Member for Dublin, of whom it would always give him greater pleasure to speak in terms of praise than censure. In the injury that had been done to the highminded and generous Poles, a blow had been stricken at all civilised Europe. They should not forget the hint which had been thrown out by the hon. and learned Member for Dublin, namely, that it was an ennobling and a stirring sight-a sight calculated to excite a worthy emulation in every generous mind—to see these brave men still clinging to the cause of their prostrate country, even in her utmost desolation. A time might arrive when it might be necessary for us to adopt a course in which the co-operation of these brave men might be desirable. With respect to the increase to the grant, he was sure that the House would be unanimous in consenting to it.

Sir R. Inglis said, that when he considered the state of the Poles-some of them refugees in England, some exiles in Siberia, and some of them strangers in their own home-he was happy to think, that England was no party to that revolt which reduced them to that condition, and was in no degree chargeable with any share in the injustice which blotted Poland as a country out of the map of Europe. England ought to be the asylum of the op pressed of every nation, and she would be found so. When the smallness of the sum was taken into consideration, and when he saw that all those who differed so widely upon other subjects were almost unanimous upon this, he did not think the additional grant would be refused. It was called for,

Mr. Dennison thought, that when the cause in which these men suffered, was only a tardy discharge of the debt due by not only by humanity, but by justice, being considered when the depth of their mi- us for the assistance which Poland for sery and the resignation with which they merly rendered to England in 1650. Even endured it was borne in mind-there though the grant should form a precedent. could be no stronger grounds for a liberal he did not think there would be any objec grant of money than those which their tion to its future adoption. claims possessed upon the sympathies of a The Chancellor of the Exchequer

ad

Viscount Howick said the manner in which the clergy of Canada were formerly paid was founded in error. They had received their remuneration from the sum Viscount Sandon said, that after what which was voted for the army extraordihad fallen from the Chancellor of the Ex-nary expenses, and this was of course chequer, and the promise given that the matter should be taken into consideration, he should withdraw his amendment.