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Shortly after the trial of S'raarroao, it became Aauunnn’s duty as Earl Marshal to attend the mother of the queen (MARY of Medicis), on her return to Holland; and he received the King’s license to remain beyond the seas during his pleasure. He returned however to England in October of the same year. In the following February, a. similar ceremonial mission was his last ofiicial employment. He then conducted Queen HENRIETTA MARIA on her journey into France, and took his own last farewell of England. It was an unconscious farewell. Nor does his departure appear to have been dictated by any desire to shrink from sacrifices on behalf of the cause with which—whether rightly or wrongly—all his personal sympathies, as well as the political views of his whole life, were bound up. At the hands of the first STUART he had met with capricious favour, and with enduring injustice. By the second, during several years, he was treated with marked and causeless indignity; and then, during several other years, rewarded grudgingly for zealous service. In exile, his contributions in support of the royal cause were upon a scale which impoverished both himself and his family.“'

Such a fact is a conclusive proof of magnanimity of spirit, whatever may be thought of its hearings in regard to political insight. Opinion is less likely to differ with respect to exertions of quite another order which occasionally occupied Lord ARUNDEL’S mind and energies during at least twenty years of his political life.

One of the best known incidents in his varied career is also one of its most honourable incidents. His friendship for RALEGH grew out of a deep interest in colonization. And the calamitous issue of that famous voyage to Guiana in 1617 which ARUNDEL had promoted was very far from inducing him to abandon the earnest advccacy of a resumption, in subsequent years, of the enterprise which RALEca had had so much at heart. His efforts were more than once repeated, but the same influences which ruined RALEGH foiled the exertions of ARUNDEL and of those who worked with him.

*' It has been estimated, on competent evidence, that for every one thousand pounds which the Earl’s estates in England contributed towards his personal and household expenditure, in exile, twenty-seven thousand pounds were so contributed towards the maintenance, in one

form or other, of the royalist cause. Such an estimate can, of course, only be approximative. But it has obvious significance and value.

He then turned his attention towards the wide field of colonial enterprise which presented itself in New England. From the autumn of 1620 until the summer of 1635 he, from time to time, actively supported the endeavours of the ‘ Council for the Planting of New England.’ The Minute in which that Council summed up the causes which induced it, at the date last-named, to resign its charter is an instructive one. It expresses, in few words, the views of Lord ARUNDEL and of his ablest fellows at the board :— ‘ We have found,’ say the Councillors, in their final Minute, ‘that our endeavours to advance the plantation of New England have been attended with frequent troubles and great disappointments. We have been deprived of near friends and faithful servants employed in that work. \Ve have been assaulted with sharp litigious questions before the Privy Council by the Virginia Company, who had complained to Parliament that our Plantation was a grievance.’ They proceed to say that a promising settlement which had been established, under the governor-ship of Captain Comes in Massachusetts Bay, had been violently broken up by a body of speculative intruders who, without the knowledge of the Council of New England, had found means to obtain a royal ‘grant of some three thousand

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Gran! Book,
James I,

pp. 307, seqq.
Donut.
Corns”,
James I,

vol. cviii,

5 65.

Proclamation Boo/r, May 15, 1620. (R. ll.)

Sunurmnn 0! run wa Exeurm CllABTEl.

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miles of the sea-coast.’ Finding it by far too great a task, for their means, to restore what had thus been brought to ruin, ARUNDEL and his fellow-councillors were constrained to resign their charter.

Four years later the Earl formed an elaborate plan for the colonization of Madagascar. But the events of 1639-40 soon made its effectual prosecution hopeless.

The latest notice we have of the Earl of ARUNDEL, from

_ the hand of any eminent contemporary, occurs in the Diary

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of John EVELYN, and is dated six months before the Earl’s death. In June of the preceding year (1645) EVELYN had paid a visit to Lord ARUNDEL at his house in Padua, and had then accompanied him to a famous garden in that city known as the ‘ Garden of Mantua.’ They had also explored together some ancient ruins lying near the Palace of Foscari all’ Arena. When EVELYN renewed his visit in March, 1646, the Earl was no longer able to leave the house. ‘ I took my leave of him,’ says the diarist, ‘in his bed, where I left that great and excellent man in tears, on some private discourse of crosses that had befallen his family, particularly the undutifulness of his grandson, Philip, turning Dominican friar; and the misery of his country, now embroiled in civil war. He caused his gentleman to give me directions, written with his own hand, what curiosities I should inquire after in my journey ; and so—enjoyning me to write sometimes to him—I departed.’ The Earl died at Padua on the 24th September, 1646, having entered into the sixty-second year of his age. In compliance with the directions of his Will his remains were brought to England and buried at Arundel.

It remains only to add a few particulars of the character and sources of the splendid collections which the Earl of ARUNDEL, by the persistent labours and the lavish expenditure of more than thirty years, had amassed. The surviving materials for such an account are, however, very fragmentary. Those which are of chief interestoccur in the correspondence which passed between the Earl and Sir Thomas Rea during the embassy of that eminent diplomatist to the Ottoman Porte in the years 1626-1628.

The Earl’s zeal as a collector, and the public attention which his personal successes in that character during his Italian travels had soon attracted, naturally excited a like ambition on the part of several of his contemporaries. Conspicuous in this respect were his brother-in'law the Earl of PEMBROKE, and his political rival and enemy the Duke of BUCKINGHAM. ARUNDEL’s success in amassing many fine pictures had, in like manner, already attracted the attention of Prince CHARLES to that peculiarly fascinating branch of collectorship.

\Vhen Sir Thomas Ron set out for Constantinople he was charged with commissions to search for antiquities on Bucxrncnan’s behalf, as well as on Lord ARUNDEL’s. He was himself a novice in such inquiries. He had to encounter excessive difficulties from the jealousy, and sometimes the dishonesty, of the Turkish and other agents whom he was obliged to employ. Most of them were stubborn in their belief that a search for old marbles did but mask the pursuit of buried treasure of greater currency. And to difficulties of this sort was added a standing fear that every service rendered to the Earl Marshal might be esteemed an ofieiice to the powerful favourite at Whitehall.

To an urgent letter which he had received from ARUNDEL just as he was embarking, Sir Thomas replied, from Constantinople, in January, 1622. ‘I moved our Consul, Richard

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MILWARD, at Scio, whom I found prepared and ready,’ he reports. ‘We conferred about “the Maid of Smirna ” which he cannot yet obteyne, without an especiall command [from the Porte]. I brought with mee from Messina the Bishop of Andre, one of the islands of the Arches, a man of good learning and great experience in these parts. Hee assured mee that the search after old and good authors was utterly vaine. . . . . The last French ambassador had the last gleanings. Only of some few he gave mee notice as of an old 'l‘ertullian, and a piece of Chrisostome . . which may be procured to be copied, but not the originall. . . . Concerning antiquities in marbles, there are many in divers parts, but especially at Delphos, unesteemed here, and, I doubt not, easy to be procured for the charge of digging and fetching, which must be purposely undertaken. It is supposed that many statues are buried to secure them from the envy of the Turks, and that, leave obteyned, [they] would come to light, which I will endeavour as soon as I am warm here.’ After mentioning that he had already procured some coins, he adds, with amusing na'iveté, ‘I have also a stone, taken out of the old pallace of Priam in Troy, cutt in horned shape, but because I neither can tell of what it is, nor hath it any other bewty but only the antiquity and truth of being a peece of that ruined and famous building, I will not presume to send it you. Yet I have delivered it to the same messenger, that your Lordship may see it and throw it away.’

Two years afterwards the ambassador has to tell Lord ARUNDEL a mingled story of failure and success: ‘The command you required for the Greeke to be sent into Morea I have sollicitted [of] two viziers, one after the other, butt they both rejected mee and gave answere, that it was no tyme to graunt such priviledges. N eare to the

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