marbles discovered by Spratt are of the Macedonian period, Boo* ni, and probably productions of the school of Pergamus. Ahotbisb

At Cameras and elsewhere, in the island of Rhodes, im- A»ch*"0portant excavations were carried on by Messrs. Biliotti O«ts*kd

r « _ hXPLORKRS.

and Salzmann. These also were effected at the public Btft,of charge. In the course of them nearly three hundred tombs Bri'hk

° ^ Museum;

were opened, and many choicely painted fictile vases of the i864, and best period of Greek ceramography were found. Those '"Jr""' researches at Rhodes were the work of the years 1862, 1863, and 1864. In 1865, the excavations at Halicarnassus were resumed by order of the Trustees, and under the direction of the same explorers, and with valuable results. In 1864, an important purchase of Greek and Roman statues, and of the sculptures from the Farnese Collection at Rome, was made. In the following year came an extensive series of antiquities from the famous Collection of the late Count Poxjrtales. Of the precious objects obtained by the researches of Mr. Consul Wood, at Ephesus, in the same and subsequent years, a brief notice will be found in Chapter VI.

the Foreign Secretaries who began a new epoch, in this department of public duty, by setting new official precedents of regard and forethought for the augmentation of the national collections.



'He Tm a tcbolar, and a ripe and good one,
Exceeding viae, fairapoken, and persuading;
Crabbed, mayhap, to them that lored him not;
But to thoae men that sought him, sweet as Summer.'—

Henry rill.

'If a man be not permitted to change his political opinions—when be bus arrived at years of discretion—be niutt be born a Solomoh.'

W. K. Hook, Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury,

(roL riii, p. 23").

The Grenvilles and their Influence on the Political Aspect
of the Georgian Reigns.The Public and Literary
Life of the Bight Honourable Thomas Grenville.
History of the Grenville Library.

Booi in, It was the singular fortune of Thomas Grenville to T„bp belong to a family which has given almost half a score of

*°TM°" ministers to England; to possess in himself large diploLwmit" ,na*ic ability; and to have been gifted—his political opponents themselves being judges—with considerable talents for administration; and yet, in the course of a life protracted to more than ninety years, to have been an active diplomatist during less than one year, and to have been a Minister of State less than half a year. It is true that he was of that happy temperament which both enables and tempts a man to carve out delightful occupation for himself. He had, too, those rarely combined gifts of taste, fortune, and public spirit, which inspire their possessor with the will, and confer upon him the power, to make his personal enjoy- Book Hi, ments largely contribute (both in his own time and after it) TE to the enjoyments of his fellow-countrymen. It might be ^TMM true, therefore, to say that Thomas Grenville was the g»«vi"k


happier and the better for his exclusion, during almost forty-nine-fiftieths of his long life, from the public service. But it can hardly be rash to say that England must needs Thokas

What Was


have been somewhat the worse for that exclusion.

Nor was it altogether a self-imposed exclusion. There ""■"" '"L

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was among its causes a curious conjunction of outward accidents and of philosophic self-resignation to their results. Untoward chances abroad twice broke off the foreign embassies of this eminent man. Unforeseen political complications amongst Whigs and semi-Whigs twice deprived him of cabinet office at home. But, no doubt, neither shipwreck at sea nor party intrigue on land would have been potent enough to keep Thomas Grenville out of high State employment, but for the personal fastidiousness which withheld him from stretching out his hand, with any eagerness, to grasp it.

It would, perhaps, be hard to lay the finger on any one Thepoufamily recorded in the 'British Peerage? which so long and Fiukncx so largely influenced our political history, in the Georgian ^J" LlE era of it, as did that of Grenville. During the century *'«"«! TM (speaking roundly) which began with the suppression of the Jacobite Rebellion of 1745, and ended with the Repeal of the Corn Laws, Grenvilles are continually prominent in every important political struggle. The personal influence and (for lack of a plainer word) the characteristic 'idiosyncrasy' of individual Grenvilles notoriously shaped, or materially helped to shape, several measures that have had world-wide results. But perhaps the most curious feature in their political history as a family is this: At almost every great


Book III,
Chap. V.

or THE



crisis in affairs one Grenville, of ability and prominence, is seen in tolerably active opposition to the rest of the Grenvilles. In the political history of the man who forms the subject of this brief memoir the family peculiarity, it will be seen, came out saliently.

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The political Grenvilles were offshoots of an old stock which, in the days of eld, were richer in gallant soldiers than in peace-loving publicists. The old Grenvilles dealt many a shrewd swordthrust for England by land and by sea, in the Tudor times, and earlier. The younger branch has been rich in statesmen and rich in scholars. Not a few of them have shone equally and at once in either path of labour.

Thomas Grenvillk was the second son of the Minister of George The Third, George Grenville,—himself the second son of Richard Grenville, of Wotton, and of Hester Temple (co-heiress of Richard Temple, Lord Cobham, and herself created Countess Temple in 1749). He was born on the thirty-first of December, 1755, and entered Parliament soon after attaining his majority. In the House of Commons he voted and acted as a follower of Lord RockIngham and a comrade of Charles Fox, in opposition to the other Grenvilles and the 'Grenvillite' party. Had the famous India Bill of Fox's ministry been carried into a law, Thomas Grenville, it was understood, would have been the first Governor-General of India under its rule.

His first entrance into the diplomatic service was made in 1782. His mission was to Paris. Its purpose, to negotiate with Benjamin Franklin a treaty of peace with America. The circumstances beneath the influence of which it was undertaken I have had occasion to advert to, already, in the notice of Lord Shelburne. It is needless to return to them now.

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Thomas Grenville's union in the double negotiation Book in, with Mr. Oswald (instructed by Shelburne, it will be re- T'it membered, as Grenville was by Fox) proved to be very *"'"" distasteful to him. From the beginning it boded ill to the success of the mission. As early as the 4th of June, 1782, we find Mr. Grenville writing to Fox thus :—'I entreat *■»«»■

..,.._, , SION TO

you earnestly to see the impossibility of my assisting you Pams.

under this contrariety I cannot fight a daily battle

with Mr. Oswald and his Secretary.* It would be neither T GremillB

for the advantage of the business, for your interest, or for tor"x

°. 'J » 4th June,

your crecm or mine ; and, even if it was, /could not do it. Itbs.

The then existing arrangements of the Secretaryship of State gave the control of a negotiation with France to one Secretary, and of a negotiation with America to the other. The reader has but to call to mind the well-known political relationship between Fox and Shelburne in 1782, to gain a fully sufficient key to the consequent diplomatic relationship between Oswald and Thomas Grenville, when thus Ctmip.ri»°

1 m # lame to

engaged in carrying on, abreast, a double mission at the ««rae. Court of Paris. To add to the obvious embroilment, Os- {£w/,i,,/ Wald had shortly before received from Benjamin Franklin J*J{J'' a suggestion that Britain should 'spontaneously' cede w-ss-si) Canada, in order to enable his astute countrymen at home the better to compensate both the plundered Royalists and those among the victorious opponents of those Royalists who had, from time to time, sustained any damage at the hands of the British armies.

The most earnest entreaties, from many quarters, were used to induce Grenville to remain at Paris. His political friends, and his family connections, were, on that point, alike urgent. But all entreaties were in vain. When the

* Meaning Lord Shelburne. See, heretofore, pp. 431-433.

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