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of both countries; no part of which could any longer be employed in fetting in oppofition the interests and prejudices of their respective distinct ftates; but, undivided in national fentiment and national objects, muft, in its effential nature, fupply powerful refiftance to whatever dangerous influence might prevail in any part of either country. In the prefent convulfed state of the political world, distraction of views or of action must prove more fatal to a state in which they take place, than in any former time; but, in a, united legiflature, we should derive fecurity, from Union of mind and Union of operation, in the purfuit of every national object, whether of peace or of war. In peace, the dangerous movements of furrounding nations would be attended to with the united vigilance of all the great and loyal interests of the Empire, and counteracted, in promptitude of preparation, by the one directing fpirit and authority of the whole ftate: And if actual war become neceffary, we should dread no difunion of decifion in the two diftinct, powerful, and independent authorities, but, in the immediate exercise of one legislative will, regulating the fources, and ultimately directing the power of the Empire, we fhould find the fureft confidence of defeating the defigns of our

enemies.

The United States of America were fo fenfible of the danger likely to flow from distraction of counsel in diftinct and co-equal legiflatures, in matters of nationalconcern, that, when in the year 1787, they changed their confederation into more intimate Union, powers were given to the Congrefs, that is, to an imperial and common legislature, to the following effect," To

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lay and collect taxes, duties, impofts, and exci fes, to pay the debts and provide for the com"mon defence and general welfare of the United "States-to borrow money on the credit of the Unit"ed States-to raife and fupport armies-to provide ❝ and maintain a navy-to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces— "to provide for calling forth the militia, to execute "the laws of the Union, fupprefs infurrections, and re"pel invafions-to provide for organizing, arming and "difciplining the militia-to make all laws which shall « be neceffary and proper for carrying into execution "the foregoing powers." Here are the most important of legislative powers, which the United States have judged it neceffary to commit to a common legislature, but which are respectively and distinctly vested in, and refpectively and diftinctly exercised by, the feparate legislatures of Great Britain and Ireland and yet, the United States are divided by an ocean of three thoufand miles extent, from all the ftates that can materially affect them; and, the number, complication, and importance, of their political relations, as well as the magnitude of their exertions, are of no confideration, compared with thofe of the British Empire. From fo early an opinion of the neceffity of clofer Union, and from the inftances we lately witneffed of particular ftates, in a time of danger, entering into refolutions repugnant to the determinations of Congrefs, the strong probability follows that, when the United States become more powerful, when the effects of national conduct become more numerous and important, and when, in the progrefs of fociety among them, men of leifure and active fpirit, form parties, and create political discord, the good sense of that people will lead them to incorporate

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incorporate in ftill clofer Union, in order the more effectually to fecure the commonwealth, against the deftructive confequences of internal convulfion and foreign violence. But, in our greater and more important fituation, all the confiderations that have induced or can induce the United States, to confolidate their powers, weigh with ten-fold force, and feem to point to Union, as the great fortrefs, which nature and reafon have provided, for the permanent fecurity of thefe ifland's.

In a united legislature also, where local prejudices or influence could not prevail, whatever grievances might occasionally claim confideration, would meet with 'moft equitable difcuffion and moft fecure redrefs; while complaints or claims, generated by party fpirit or party defigns, whether political or religious, would meet with that determined refiftance, which must naturally infpire the collective reprefentation of nearly all the loyalty to the Conftitution, and all the attachment to the Proteftant caufe, to be foundin the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.

In this point of view, the fituation and claims of the Roman catholicks are neceffarily prefented to the mind.

The whole train of events in the hiftory of Ireland, joined to our own experience, perfectly affure us, that the great body of that fect cannot be entrusted with political power, in our prefent diftinct ftate, confiftently with the fecurity of our religion, and by consequence, of our civil eftablishment. Most of the relaxations and

conceffions

conceffions that have been made in their favour, feem to have been dictated by a benign fpirit and an enlightened policy; but the elective franchise, which neceffarily confers fo large a portion of political power, cannot but be confidered as a moft dangerous grant, to an immenfe body, the greater part of which, unhappily, are inimical to our religion and our connexion with Great Britain. Their growing importance, their active zeal, and their spirit of combination, directed in a steady and fyftematick courfe of action, to the objects they have conftantly held in view, muft, by the aid of this political engine, unless frustrated by an acceffion of refiftance, procure to them, in process of time, fuch pervading influence through the nation, as neceffarily to ensure powerful influence in the legislature, and the final accomplishment of their purposes. But whether, under all circumftances, the ftep at the time it was made, was justifiable or not, yet, in having made it, we may be faid to have pafed the Rubicon; and we cannot recede, without expofing the country to fuch critical danger, and devoting it to fuch actual calamity, as revolt every liberal mind.

In whatever light therefore, this important body of people are confidered, the government of the country must be embaraffed, and the publick fafety endangered. But in a united legiflature, all émbarraffment and danger are done away, in a matter of fuch effential influence on our peace and fafety. We fhould then become incorporated with a people more powerful and numerous than ourfelves, almost entirely protestant, attached to their religion, and anxious for its prefervation; the legislature emanating from that country muft always

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always remain proteftant, and fubject to proteftant influence; no confequences therefore could follow dangerous to the established religion of Ireland, whether the comparative influence of Roman catholicks in this country remains as it is, or fhould in progrefs of time extend its power.

It is equally abfurd as dangerous to act upon the inconfiftent principle, of maintaining our conftitution, exclufively of the fecurity of our established religion. What do we mean by our conftitution? We mean that fyftem of regulations, rights, and privileges, which, weak and imperfect at infancy, has grown with the growth, ftrengthened with the ftrength, and become grand and compleat with the improvement, of Great Britain. With the reformation, the human mind in Britain greatly advanced; and the beauty, order, and fixed principles, of civil fociety, became daily more intimately blended with the proteftant fyftem of religion. The genius, the manners, the customs, and the laws of this proteftant Empire, have flowed, and ftill flow, from this mingled fource; and to feparate or weaken the aufpicious Union of religion and law, would be to fubvert our conftitution, fhake our stability, and endanger our existence. But, whatever hope we may have entertained, whatever efforts of liberality we may have made, it is now out of controversy, that the ultimate defign of the great majority of Roman catholicks in this country, inftigated by too many of their inferiour clergy, has been, by the aid of civil privilege, and under foreign aufpices, to overturn our religious establishment, and to acquire, at the expence of whatever convulfion, the triumphant ascendent to their

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