THEY TURN THEIR THOUGHTS TO GUIANA.

V.

53

mates. Others were for some parts of Virginia,' where CHAP. the English had already made entrance and beginning.

Those for Guiana alleged that the country was rich, 1617. fruitful, and blessed with a perpetual spring and a flourishing greenness; where vigorous nature brought forth all things in abundance and plenty, without any great labor or art of man; so as it must needs make the inhabitants rich, seeing less provision of clothing and other things would secure them than in more colder and less fruitful countries must be had. As also that the Spaniards, having much more than they could possess, had not yet planted there, nor any where very near the same.

But to this it was answered, that out of question the country was both fruitful and pleasant, and might yield riches and maintenance to the possessors more easily than to others; yet, other things considered, it would not be so fit. And first, that such hot countries are subject to grievous diseases, and many noisome impediments, which other more temperate places are free from, and would not so well agree with our Eng

History of the United States, i.
39.

Although England and Spain
were now at peace, and had been
since 1604, and so continued till the
rupture in 1624, yet the Pilgrims,
from their long residence in Hol-
land, had imbibed the national re-
pugnance of the Dutch to their
Spanish oppressors, a feeling which
was long retained. In a letter writ-
ten by the Plymouth colonists to
the Dutch on Hudson's river in
1627, they speak of resisting "the
pride of that common enemy, the
Spaniards, from whose cruelty the
Lord keep us both, and our native
countries." See Mass. Hist. Coll.
iii. 51, 52.

54

V.

THEY CONCLUDE FOR VIRGINIA.

CHAP. lish bodies. Again, if they should there live and do well, the jealous Spaniard would never suffer them 1617. long, but would displant and overthrow them, as he 1565. did the French in Florida,' who were settled further Sept. from his richest countries; and the sooner, because

21.

they should have none to protect them, and their own
strength would be too small to resist so potent an
enemy and so near a neighbour.

On the other hand, for Virginia it was objected,
that if they lived amongst the English which were
there planted, or so near them as to be under their
government, they should be in as great danger to be
troubled and persecuted for their cause of religion 2
as if they lived in England, and it might be worse;
and if they lived too far off, they should neither have
succour or defence from them.

And at length the conclusion was, to live in a distinct body by themselves, under the general government of Virginia;3 and by their friends to sue to His

See the account of the massacre of the Huguenots in Florida by the Spaniards, in Holmes's Annals, i. 86.

2

Virginia had been colonized by persons belonging to the Church of England, and attached to its ceremonies and institutions. In the orders and instructions for the government of the colony, issued by King James under his sign manual and the privy seal of England, it was specially enjoined that "the word and service of God should be preached and used according to the rites and doctrines of the Church of England." See Stith's Virginia, p. 37, and Chalmers's Annals, p. 15.

3 The Virginia Company was established in 1606. On the 10th of April of that year, King James, by letters patent, divided a strip of

land, of 100 miles wide, along the
Atlantic coast of North America,
extending from the 31th to the 45th
degree of north latitude a terri-
tory which then went under the
common name of Virginia - be
tween two Companies, who were
to colonize it. The First or South-
ern Colony was granted to certain
knights, gentlemen, merchants, and
adventurers of London, who were
to colonize between the 34th and
the 41st degrees. The Second, or
Northern Colony, was granted to
persons of like description in Bris-
tol, Exeter, and Plymouth, who
were to plant between the 38th and
the 45th degrees. Each Company
was to be under the government of
a council of thirteen, and neither of
them was to plant a colony within
a hundred miles of a previous settle-

34

AGENTS ARE SENT TO ENGLAND.

V.

50

Majesty that he would be pleased to grant them free lib- CHAP. erty, and freedom of religion. And that this may be obtained they were put in good hope by some great persons of good rank and quality that were made their friends.'

Whereupon two were chosen and sent into England, at the charge of the rest, to solicit this matter; who found the Virginia Company very desirous to have them go thither, and willing to grant them a patent, with as ample privileges as they had or could grant to any, and to give them the best furtherance they could; and some of the chief of the Company doubted not to obtain their suit of the king for liberty in religion, and to have it confirmed under the king's broad seal, according to their desires. But it proved a harder piece of work than they took it for. For although many means were used to bring it about, yet it could not be effected; for there were divers of good worth labored with the king

ment made by the other. The Sccond or Plymouth Company made the unsuccessful attempt in 1607 to establish a colony near the mouth of the Kennebec. The First or London Company was the one to which the agents of the Pilgrims applied, and which seems at this time to have appropriated to itself exclusively the title of the Virginia Company. Douglass, i. 370, 395, Moulton, History of New York, p. 356, and Grahame, i. 188, err in saying that they obtained a grant of land or a promise of a patent, from the Plymouth Company. See the Charter in Stith, App. p. 1, and in Hazard's State Papers, i. 50.

1 Among others, no doubt, Sir Edwin Sandys, Sir Robert Naunton, and Sir John Wolstenholme, as will hereafter be seen.

2 Robert Cushman and John Carver, as appears by the letter of Sir Edwin Sandys on page 58. The little that is known of Cushman and

Carver will be found in Belknap, ii.
179, 267.

Sir Ferdinando Gorges, one of
the leaders of the Second or Ply-
mouth Company, says "Before the
unhappy controversy happened be-
tween those of Virginia and myself,
they were forced, through the great
charge they had been at, to hearken
to any propositions that might give
ease and furtherance to so hopeful a
business. To that purpose, it was
referred to their considerations how
necessary it was that means might
be used to draw into those enter-
prises some of those familics that
had retired themselves into Holland
for scruple of conscience, giving
them such freedom and liberty as
might stand with their likings. This
advice being hearkened unto, there
were that undertook the putting it
in practice, and accordingly brought
it to effect so far forth," &c. See
Gorges, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi.
73.

1617.

56

THE AGENTS RETURN UNSUCCESSFUL.

CHAP. to obtain it, amongst whom was one of his chief V. Secretaries; and some other wrought with the Arch1618. bishop to give way thereunto. But it proved all in vain. Yet thus far they prevailed in sounding His Majesty's mind, that he would connive at them, and not molest them, provided they carried themselves peaceably. But to allow or tolerate them by his public authority under his seal, they found it would not be granted.3 And this was all that the chief of the Virginia Company, or any other of their best friends, could do in the case. Yet they persuaded them to go on, for they presumed they should not be troubled. And with this answer the messengers returned, and signified what diligence had been used, and to what issue things were come. But this made a damp in the business, and caused some distraction. For many were afraid that if they should unsettle themselves, put off their estates, and go upon these hopes, it might prove dangerous, and but

1 Winslow, in his Brief Narration, says that the agents got Sir Edwin Sandys, a religious gentleman then living, to stir in it, who procured Sir Robert Naunton, then principal Secretary of State to King James, to move his Majesty." Sir Robert Naunton was sworn the king's secretary, Jan. 8, 1618. He was the author of " Fragmenta Regalia; Observations on the late Queen Elizabeth, her Times and Favorites," "the fruit," as Fuller says, "of his younger years." Belknap, Am. Biog. ii. 170, and Baylies, Memoir of Plymouth Colony, i. 16, err in calling him Norton. See Fuller's Worthies of England, ii. 336, (4to ed.); Birch's Memoirs of Queen Elizabeth, i. 369.

The See of Canterbury was at this time filled by Dr. George Abbot. He had been promoted to it from the bishopric of London, April 9, 1611, and on the 23d of June was

sworn a member of the Privy Council. See an account of him, not a very favorable one, in Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, book i. under the year 1633, in which he died. He was too mild and tolerant for Clarendon. See also Wood's Athena Oxon. i. 561, (ed. Bliss,) and Neal's Puritans, i. 564.

The word granted I have restored from Prince, p. 148.

Douglass, Summary, i. 369, and the authors of the Modern Universal History err in saying that the Pilgrims" obtained an instrument from James I. for the full exercise of their religion in any part of America."

At the very time this negotiation was pending, King James issued a declaration, (May 24, 1618) in which he required the bishop of Lancashire to constrain all the Puritans within his diocess to conform, or to leave the country. Prince, p. 147.

OTHER AGENTS ARE SENT.

V.

57

a sandy foundation. Yea, it was thought they might CHAP. better have presumed hereupon, without making any suit at all, than, having made it, to be thus rejected. 1618. But some of the chiefest thought otherwise, and that they might well proceed hereupon, and that the King's Majesty was willing enough to suffer them without molestation, though for other reasons he would not confirm it by any public act; and furthermore, if there was no security in this promise intimated, there would be no greater certainty in a further confirmation of the same. For if afterward there should be a purpose or desire to wrong them, though they had a seal as broad as the house-floor, it would not serve the turn, for there would be means enough found to recall or reverse it. And seeing, therefore, the course is probable, they must rest herein on God's providence, as they had done in other things.

1

Feb.

Upon this resolution, other messengers were de- 1619. spatched to end with the Virginia Company, as well as they could, and to procure a patent with as good and ample conditions as they might by any good means attain; as also to treat and conclude with such merchants and other friends as had manifested their forwardness to provoke to and adventure in this voyage. For which end they had instructions given them upon what conditions they should proceed with them; or else to conclude nothing without further advice. And here it will be requisite to insert a letter or two, that may give light to these proceedings.

'By Mr. Cushman's letter from London, of May 8, 1619, inserted on a following page, it appears that these messengers were Mr. Cushman himself and Mr. Brewster; not Mr. Bradford, as Prince says,

page 151. Judge Davis follows
Prince in this error, in his valuable
edition of Morton's Memorial, p.
22. They were not despatched, it
will be seen, till more than a year
after the first agents were sent.