but in some office, no matter what one, we are now sure to have the benefit of his talents, and of that industry which shone forth so conspicuously during the sixteen months that he was taking steps to cor rect the monstrous abuses in the office of Treasurer of the Navy, but which abuses he, at last, left as he found them.In matters relating to foreign affairs, however, his Lordship is more expeditious, as we most sensibly have felt, and shall yet feel, in the consequences of the war with Spain; which war, and especially our manner of beginning it, is one of the principal causes of the coolness, not to say contempt, with which all our overtures are listened to upon the Continent; and, though it is possible that it had no share in producing the Prussian State Paper, above referred to, yet, let it be remembered, that, at the time of the capture of the Spanish Frigates, we said that such conduct in foreign courts, with repect to this country, would be amongst the consequences of that capture.

very

THE COMBINED FLEETS, which are generally thought to be on their way to Europe, some persons have supposed, will endeavour to take Halifax, in Nova Scotia. This they would, I think, find it difficult to accomplish. Halifax is tolerably well fortified. A fleet cannot enter till some of the works have been taken; and, to take any of the works there, leaving the fleet, in the mean while, exposed to an attack from the sea, is an enterprize not to be reasonably expected from the commanders, who, with sixteen sail of the line, have fled from Nelson with ten sail of that description. A more probable conjecture is, that, if the combined fleets are not making for Europe, they are gone to the United States of America; in which case, they will, in all likelihood, an'chor in the Bay of Chesapeake. Such a course of proceeding would give us most serious annoyance, and would, at the same time, produce very little, if any, inconvenience to the enemy, whose fleets would lie snugly sheltered from the elements as well as from our cannon, while ours, which we must keep constantly to watch them, would be exposed to the elements, and that, too, upon a most dangerous coast. Provisions, repairs, and every thing they could want to keep their ships in good condition, and ready for sea, the enemy would find either in the harbour of New York or in the Chesapeake. We should obtain the same things, though upon worse terms, because we must keep at sea, or nearly so; but, we want few, or none, of these things; and, our enemy's obtaining them is a dead

loss to us. While there is a strong fleet of the enemy in any of the harbours of the United States, we can never be safe with out one in the West Indies able to cope with them; and, this force we ought to keep constantly there, besides having a considerable force upon the coast of America. Halifax may be in little or no danger; butį while there is a strong French naval force in the United States, Bermuda, Newfoundland, the Bahamas, and all our possessions in the Atlantic, to the north of Cuba, must be in continual danger, and, of course, in continual alarm. For these reasons, I should much rather hear of the combined fleets having safely arrived at Cadiz, or at Toulon, than in any of the ports or bays of the United States.

PROCEEDINGS AGAINST LORD MELVILLE. (continued from Vol. VII. p. 989).——An impeachment of Lord Melville having been resolved upon, and the articles thereof (which shall be inserted in the next sheet) having been proposed to, and adopted by, the House of Commons, it was my intention, as expressed at the time when the criminal prosecution had been resolved on, to have abstained from all further comment upon the conduct of the person accused; but, as was explicitly stated in the passage here referred to (Vol. VII. p. 928.), this forbearance was conditional, and the condition was as follows: "Here, then, for the present, we must leave him; but, not his supporters, if they still appear in print. All along they have been the aggressors. Let us hope, that they will now, at last, learn discretion. If, how

ever, they should continue to make pub"lications in justification of the conduct of "Lord Melville, it may not be improper to

apprize them of my determination of "commenting upon those publications, "whatever be the title under which they "shall appear."-Since the publication of this passage, there has appeared, a panphlet, entitled a Speech of Lord Melville on the 11th of June, 1805, in the House of Commons. This pamphlet contains a daring defiance of the law, and some most unjust insinuations against the conduct of all those, whether in or out of parliament, who have expressed a disapprobation of Lord Melville's and Mr. Trotter's conduct. That it is-indecent and audacious, in the extreme, thus to attempt to brow-beat the injured nation, I think, few persons, the writer and his accomplices excepted, will deny; and, I am persuaded, that it will appear perfectly preper, publicly and in print, to comment upon the publication in question, as often as it

shall appear necessary to counteract the effects, which it evidently is intended to produce Besides this pamphlet, we daily see, in the news-papers devoted to the Pitt and Melville faction, paragraphs reviving, and re-stating, with more confidence than ever, the several facts and arguments here tofore brought forward by the advocates of Lord Melville, and disproved or refuted by their opponents. A specimen of this presents itself in the news-paper: now before me, the SUN of the 15th instant, as follows: "The Members who have taken a leading part in the Prosecution of Lord Melville, have particularly excited the attention of ❝ mankind, and have an awful responsibi

lity attached to their names. It is gene"rally admitted, that nothing was lost to "the public in the transaction referred to, " and that public payments were not a mo"ment delayed."Two assertions, which, over and over again, have been proved to be false, and which no man in the country, except he be notoriously of the Pitt and Melville faction, has ever affected to regard as true. To the readers of the Register, 1 think, I may safely appeal for judgment upon the impudent hireling, who is now sliding forth by stealth assertions like those here particularly cited. I think, they will have been thoroughly convinced, that, in consequence of Lord Melville's having vio lated the law, the public has lost immense sums of money, and that public payments have been detayed in numerous instances and to the great disgrace as well as injury of the public.But, suppose, for a moment, that these assertions of the Pitt and Melville writer were as true as they are false; suppose, for argument's sake, that the public had sustained no actual pecuniary loss, and that all the payments to individuals had been as duly made, as if no violation of the law had ever been committed by Lord Melville; what then? Has not this supposition been made before? And have not the public, have not the parliament, decided, that, whether there were loss or not, whether the payments were retarded or not, the violation of the law still continued the same, and, that, whether by "accommodating" members of parliament or others, the violation might be rendered full as injurious, and even more injurious, to the country, than if it had produced an actual deficit in the naval money. How a King of Prussia would have thought upon this subject may be seen from the passage which I have chosen as a motto to this sheet. God forbid that any British subject, in whatever state of life, should be #xposed to the hasty, and, perhaps, vindic

7

tive decisions of a despot, whether civil or military; but, the writer in the SUN, above quoted, may, from the anecdote related by M. Theibault, perceive, that crimes have not, in other countries any more than in this, always been weighed against pounds shillings and pence, than which, indeed, nothing can be more degrading to the people amongst whom such a principle prevails, or can, for a moment, be listened to.[ quit this subject with a promise again to return to it, for the purpose of refuting the impudent statements in the pamphlet entitled, "Lord Melville's Speech;" but, as there will be quite time enough for this previous to the trial, I shall, probably, defer it for some weeks, unless the absence of the parliament should so far embolden the Pitt and Melville news-papers, as to produce a répo tition of those scandalous efforts, which, in the months of March, April, and May, they made to deceive the public. As yet, like the Devil, squat at the ear of Eve they are merely whispering their falsehoods; stealing them out upon the people. They deal them forth, at present, assentence at a time, and that so judicionsly placed as not to discover the design. After a while these sentences will swell into paragraphs; whence we shall be led into letters from intelligent "correspondents, and, when the trial is near at hand, we shall see the editors them selves become the open und avowed chain pions of the accused. Against these arts, to give effect to which nothing will be spared, every part of the public, and particularly public writers, should be upon their guard. The Pitt and Dundas ministry have now ene tered upon a campaign much more important to them than the last: it is not cars and catamarans that they now intend to employ. The Cinque Port volunteers will, I imagine, be left to drill themselves. Let, us, therefore, lay constantly upon our arms. Unless we persevere, we have done nothing.

PARTIES. (Continued from p. 64.)-In resuming this subject, we must again refer to the prints of the Pitts and Addingtons respectively. There are four points upon which the writers of these factions are at issue. 1. The grounds of resignation of Lord Sidmouth and his friends. The Pitt and Melville faction insist, that the real grounds were, that the Addingtons wanted more power and much more emolument than the Pitt and Melville part of the ministry were disposed to let them have ; while the Addingtons assert, the grounds of their resig nation to have been, a conviction that it was contrary to the principles of honour and honesty to continue part of a ministry, who

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the

of was

"this paragraph, which came from "highest opposition authority, it is evident, "that Mr. Fox's patience began to be ex"kusted. His pride at last was aroused, "when he found no return of compliment, no language i equal conciliation, no encontagement, by an approximation ideas, from Mr. Pitt. The latter suficiently polite as a gentleman; but, as a politician, he pretended not to understand the broad hints which were then out, to him from day to day. Mr. Fox "then qualified or moderated his ambisica, by saying that he would not perzondly "stand in the way of any arian,cment for an administration including all the great men of the country. This was wise and politic on the part of Mr. Fox. He well "knew that if his friends ever got into power, they would soon succeed in obtaining for him a leading department of the state. "The minister, although unfortunately deprived of the great abilities of Lord Mel"ville, and although an able coadjutor might perhaps have been acceptable, yet was proof against the political courtship, and "also the political exquetry, of Mr. Fox, "who had declared that no personal con i"deration on his part should preclude any

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had made, and who were still making, such unwarrantable efforts to screen Lord Melville. 2. The time and manner of Lond Sidmouth's announcing the intention of himself and his friends to resign. Upon this point, as well as upon the others, we must patiently hear what they themselves say, paying particular attention to, and endegvering to ascertain, the fact, ev Lord Sid- i moudi's having a end his intention be signified to the Frace, ¿gore he signified it either to the King or to Mr. Pitt! This is a very interesting circulastance; and I beg the reader to bear it in his mind.- -3. The effect, with regard to Lord Sidmouth, which the resignation has produced in the mind of His Majesty. The Pitt and Melville faction, particularly the UPSTART, aver, that the King has absolutely cast off the Addingtons. That their resignation gave him no pain whatever; but, on the contrary, that he was exceedingly glad to get rid of them. The Addingtons say they are still the favourites at court; that His Majesty received the news of their resignation with the deepest sorrow; and there is, in one of the paragraphs upon the subject, something very much like a hint, that, rather than absolutely break the heart of their Sovereign, they would return to the receipt of the salaries, which, I think it will be allowed, is an effort of loyalty not too great to be expected from them.-4. Whether there can be a junction of the Addingtons and the Opposition; or of the Pitt and Melville faction and the Opposition. The Addington writers contend, that it is quite impossible, that the Opposition can touch the Pitts and Melvilles; and the Pitt and Melville writers contend, in terms no lers unqualified, that no junction can take place between the Opposition and the Addingtons, appearing, as may be seen from the passage quoted in p. 63, particularly to allude to the aversion, to such a junction, supposed to be entertained by Lord Grenville.Having thus stated the points, upon which the advocates of the two factions are at issue, let us now hear them in their own words, beginning with the UPSTART's paper, the ORACLE, of the 2d and 3d instant. The first question is rather introductory; but, it is very necessary to have upon record, especially when the reader recollects that it comes directy from the yenomous lips of the UPSTART, whose supple crawling the public have heard, and will yet again hear of." From this paragraph" (having quoted a paragraph from the Morning Chronicle contradicting the report of Mr. Fox's having declared that he would take no office under government)

from

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arrangement for an administration on an

enlarged scale.- -The powers of Lord "Sidmouth are so far inferior to Mr. Pitt, "and the confidence which the latter has reposed in his new colleagues has so much "flattered them, and confirmed their friendship for him, that they very wisely orefer "the one to the other, wh her viewed as a private individual, or as a public characier. But who gave Lord Sidinouth “the power which elevated him to his present greatness? Mr. Pitt. Who recom"mended and supported him at the commencement of his administration, in language too strong for political foresight, but very honourable on principles of friendship? Mr. Pitt. Who, in fact, in“troduced him into life, and raised him from obscurity to the chair of the House "of Commons, consequently made him at "once the first commoner in England? Mr. "Pitt. It was, therefore, very fair to con"clude, that any defection from such a "leader and such a friend could not be

racter with the public, he ought to sa"crifice it entirely at the shrine of friend

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ship, whether right or wrong. It is "laudable in every man to obtain, by good " and honourable actions, the continuance' "of public partiality. True fame is envia"ble, especially when supported by trans"fcendent talents. But when it flourishes "only by the kind aid of friendship-when it is endangered by a serious difference"when it depends upon temporary fa"vouritism-the celebrity which a man "borrows from such adventitious circumstances renders his fall more fatal in its consequences. Such a man is Lord Sidmouth. Unless following in the train of "Mr. Pitt-unless attached to the tail of "some great man-anless, by the jealousies "and distractions of parties, suffered for a "time to bask in the sun-shine of fortune"Lord Sidmouth could never have led and governed the councils of the state. Take

46

away that by which he is propped and

upheld, and his fall is inevitable. Among "the eminent debaters in Parliament, he

"traction. On a late occasion HIS PURI"TY OF CHARACTER became more " and more conspicuous, shining with a "brilliancy equal to the expectations and "wishes of his warmest admirers. If he "has less of the condescending and social "qualities which familiarize and endear

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some men to society, it may be attributed "to his abstraction from common life, his "selection of the grand and magnificent as subjects fit for the exercise of his great and comprehensive genius. Deserted, from "the incentives of ambition, by some of his "best friends, harassed by a powerful com"bination bent on his subjugation or over*" throw, he has had greater difliculties to "remove, greater dangers to encounter, "than any minister, perhaps, during the "last hundred years. Notwithstanding the "distractions and prejudices of parties, Mr. "Pitt remains respected by all; and he is "too proud in principle, and too virtuous "in conduct, to be alarmed by the clamour "of faction. If he find the formation of a

ministry, on an enlarged and a liberal "scale, opposed by insurmountable obsta"cles and PERSONAL OBJECTIONS "in which HE HAS NO PART, he "will CONTINUE TO DISCHARGE "HIS DUTY TO HIS KING AND "COUNTRY with that fidelity and honour "which have so often gained him the most "flattering and most enviable approbation. That is to say, I suppose, that he will continue to act as he did in conjunction with Mr. Dundas; that he will continue to act as he did in the case of the loan to Boyd and Benfield; and as he has more recently done in the cases of the Duke of Athol and Lord Melville. The next quotation, following the dates, is from the ORACLE of Me 10th instant." While Lord Sidmouth adhered to Mr. Pitt, there was some cause of deir encouragement-some cheering expecta"tions of future distinctions, if not of greatness--some well-grounded reasons for entertaining the pleasing and consolatory "idea of dividing with their political cre"ator the charms of power and the joys of

projects were the delusions of the moiment they resembled so many głow worms which deceive and betray the be"nighted traveller. Lord Sidmouth, in

wandering from Mr. Pitt, lost the right "way, and, to all human appearance, he

will never again find it. That Sun which "illuminated his darkness now frowns upon' *his best prospects, and he is doomed to "be obscured by the force of true genius "and superior public worth.-—Lord Sid"mouth can never forgive Mr. Pitt for exposing the culpable negligence, the alarming deficiency, of his administration. "To what party are Lord Sidmouth's "friends now to look for co-operation and support? To the Old Opposition? IM POSSIBLE. Mr. Fox has some shrewd suspicions that to Lord Sidmouth may be "principally attributed his personal exclu"sion from office in the formation of a new "administration!!! It is admitted by those "who then knew the arcana of Mr. Pitt "and his friends, that so far averse was Mr. "Pitt to the system of personal exclusion

against Mr. Fox, that HE in vain used his "utmost endeavours to remove every obstacle

against the admission of the latter into his Majesty's councils and government. From "Mr. Fox and his party Lord Sidmouth

same men may cheer the Addingtons "when in expectation of their votes or in"terest in Parliament.To whom are the "latter description then to look for en

couragement and support? To the New "Coalition to the Grenvilles? They have "too much the pride of family, and too much" "the aristocracy of talents, TO STOOP "TO SUCH BASE DEGREES OF GRA"TIFYING THEIR AMBITION."—— Reader, need I stop here to ask you, how "base," if these observations are just, must have been the man, who not only stooped to a coalition with the Addingtons, after having bestowed on them every mark of his contempt, but who actually solicited, nay, who humbly solicited, in a letter under his' own hand, a coalition with the men, who are represented as too vile for any body else upon earth to tech? The insinuation," to, respecting Mr. Pitt's desire to bring in Mr. For must not escape attention. Let it be remembered. I beg the reader to remember it ; and that it comes from the UpSTART too. --~ -We shall have to return to

all this again.--Extract from the CouRIER of the 11th instant." In these

changes the public will add an increase of "talents to the cabinet; although 10 or 12 "votes may waver in parliament, in con ¶ sequence of Lord Sidmouth's retreat, yet "the unanimity which will pervade our councils, without which vigour cannot exist, will repay tenfold such a loss. The " want of unanimity in the cabinet has no

doubt embarrassed government last win"ter. Unanimity in council is more ne"cessary to the conduct of the affairs of a "country than the collection of numerous "but discordant parties. We are in hopes "that some further arrangements will still

take place to bring those together who are

agreed on the great questions of our policy. "Lord Grenville was yesterday with the "King, and the Prince of Wales went in "haste to Mr. Fox at St. Anne's Hill. The "state of our affairs, both at home and "abroad, seems to inspire the country with

fresh confidence !!!"-All that is necessary to be said here, is, that what is said about Lord Grenville's being with the King is totally false.Exactly the same statement was, however, made in the MORNING POST of the same day; and, these things we must not forget; because, it will not be long be fore we shall hear these same papers representing the whole of the opposition as being quite unworthy of the confidence either of King or people.- -We now come to a most curious statement in the SUN of the 11th instant. 66 As much misrepresentation "has prevailed with respect to the time and "the manner of Lord Sidmouth's resigna-" "tion, we request the public attention to "the following statements, which the "Times will scarcely venture to contradict: "Lord Sidmouth, as is well known, had a

was at Lord Sidmouth's desire that his " situation was mode known in the particu-' "lar quarter to which we have alluded. As " for the RELUCTANCE manifested in "the acceptance of the resignation, &e. &c. we would advise the Addingtons to suy no