enemies whom we have already forced to acknowledge our independence. They now conspire against the glory of the Emperor and the splendor of France. The Emperor and France, more united than ever, by the ties of good will and fidelity, of affection and admiration, will oppose to an odious aggression, the irresistible alliance of strength and genius.-These sentiments, gentlemen, we participate with all the French; it is for us to carry to the throne the affecting declaration of them. The commission, of which I have the honour to be the organ, proposes to you to order, that there shall be drawn up an address to his Majesty the Emperor and King, to express the indignation that his faithful subjects have felt at the news of the hostile proceedings of Austria and Russia; the gratitude with which they have been penetrated, in learning all that his Majesty has done to avoid the sacrifices inseparable from a new war; the dispositions they feel to multiply the acts of devotion, the most sanguine, to avenge their Prince and their country; to shorten the war by decisive success; and to place the Emperor in a situation to dictate to his enemies a glorious and permanent peace.

SUMMARY OF POLITICS. CONTINENTAL WAR.-When the preceding sheet was going to the press, it was observed (p. 672), that, in all probability, before it reached the public, the intelligence of a general engagement, between the French and the Austrians, would be received; for, that, seeing how nearly the Russians were approaching, it was impossible to believe that Buonaparté would lose a moment in assailing the Austrians; and, in short, that, so decisive was the battle likely to be, that, it was by no means improbable, that the mail was coming on towards London with the decision of the fate of Europe.--Such, it now appears, was really the case; that is to say, if the battle of the 19th of October was, in all respects, what the French represent it to have been. Whether it was, or was not; whether the loss on their own side may have been diminished, and that of the Austrians augmented, in their accounts; whether, upon the whole, these accounts are fair, or whether they present gross exaggeration, it must be left to time to decide: but, in the mean while, it would be great folly, in us, not to believe, that the French have gained a very important victory; that our friends in the war have sustained a corresponding defeat; and that the consequences to ourselves may be extremely dangerous. Still greater and more inexcusable folly (to

use the mildest term applicable to the case) would it be for us to shut our eyes to those dangers; to pretend not to see them; or, seeing them, to affect to treat them with contempt. Adversity, says the old adage, is the teacher of wisdom. To those who have minds capable of profiting from her admonitions, she is so; to those, who have the candour to confess their errors, and the courage to bear up against the difficulties to be overcome in retrieving the consequences of such errors; to these adversity is the teacher of wisdom: but, to the fool and the coward, her lessons seldom fail to give an addition of the quality, for which, respectively, they are already distinguished. Let us hope, that, notwithstanding the ignorance, imbecility, and baseness, so prevalent in a large proportion of our public prints, country as well as town; notwithstanding this fact, so disgraceful to the character of the nation, let us hope, that there are yet a vast majority of the people of this kingdom, who are not, by adversity, however great, to be terror-stricken into either stupor of mind or inactivity of body. The way to profit from the lessons of adversity is, first to look back on the causes whence it has proceeded; and, having ascertained these, next to determine upon the means of lessening the present, and of preventing future evil of the like kind.—One of the causes of the adverse circumstances and events, which we have to lament, is, the facility, which, by means of the press, the ministers have found of deluding the people into an approbation of their measures. That continental connections are desireable; that a continental combination against Buonaparté was to be desired; no man in his senses; at least, no sensible politician, speaking with sincerity, would attempt to deny. But, though we all agreed, and still agree, perfectly agree, as to this principle of English policy, there was, at the outset of the measures, on the part of England leading to a continental Coalition against France, as to the time and manner, a wide difference of opinion, decidedly and clearly expressed on the side of the Opposition, and particularly by Mr. Fox, as will be seen by a reference to the speech quoted fromin my motto, and which speech (now worthy of the attention of every one) will be found at full length in the Parliamentary Debates, Vol. V. p. 536, upon the subject of His Majesty's message calling upon the Commons for a supply to enable him to subsidise powers upon the continent. This ground of objection having been stated; the urging of Austria into a war at this mo

ment; the plunging of her into hostilities in an unprepared state, having been deprecated, and the ministers having, apparently done so (as was suggested at the time and frequently since) for the purpose chiefly of retaining their power by the means of the reputation to be acquired from being considered as the authors of a combination against France; in this state of things, it became, on their part, necessary to put public opinion on their side; it became useful to them, that the people should think, that the situation of Buonaparté was dangerous in the extreme, and that, to the allies, danger was proportionably small. The partizans of the minister, therefore, began to exert all their powers of misrepresentation as to these matters, a happy specimen of which exertion may, if the reader can have forgotten it, be referred to, in the present volume, p. 491. The troops and the subjects of Austria were, we were told, all burning with zeal in the cause, while, as to those of Napoleon, the latter were upon the point of rebelling openly, and the former were deserting by hundreds. The specimen here referred to was taken from the SUN news-paper: that to which I am now about to recall the attention of the reader, is taken from the Morning-Post." That hostilities, therefore,

have already commenced, we do not en"tertain a doubt; the precise time, place, "and manner, may not yet be so easily as"certained. 'But while the French indulge "in their usual characteristic boasts, that "nothing can check their rapid and victo ❝rious career, one circumstance has at least "occurred, which, if it exists to the extent "we have heard, must appear ominous, if "not prove fatal to them in the outset of "the war in Italy. We have been assured

that the camp of Marengo is broken up, "a measure weich was fearfully and abrupt

ly resolved upon, on account of the daily " and numerous desertions of the French

soldiers, who formed the principal force "of that camp. They are said to desert in bodies of two and three hundred men at a "time, with their arms, and to return direct to France. There are many other symptoms "of fear and alarm betrayed by the French." -At other times, we were assured, from the same high authorities, that "the "tyrant had given himself up to despair; that "the day of retribution was at hand; and, that "fear had over-powered those

faculties, which he had been thought to "be endued with." This great good to England and to Europe having been produced, there remained nothing to do but to ascribe the merit of it to the English mi

nistry, and particularly to Mr. Pitt. This was done in all the ministerial papers, almost every day, and in forms as various as the nature of the case and the minds of the writers would admit of. One only out of two hundred and fourteen paragraphs, having this object evidently in view, I shall here insert from the Morning Post of the 5th of September." We shall not here remark on "the impediments which certain writers "constantly throw in the way of a grand "continental alliance, at the same time "that they acknowledge such an alliance is "the only means of opposing an effectual "barrier to the encroachments and outrages "of the French government, and the only "means of re-establishing the tranquillity of "Europe on a secure and lasting basis We "shall not comment on the want of pa"triotism that was so painfully striking in "the language of those who told the country, that no alliance was to be expected "while Mr Pitt was minister" [We never told the country so] "who, in order to "make good this good-natured assurance, "told the continental powers that they "could expect nothing but ruin from an "alliance with a government of which Mr. "Pitt was the first minister; and who, now "that a confederacy is formed on the grand"est scale, and for the noblest objects, tell "the British people and the nations of the "Continent, that defeat, disappointment, "and destruction, will be the only fruit of "their glorious spirit, and honourable exer"tions. The vexation of so great an achieve"ment by an obnoxious minister, may have "counteracted and suppressed in persons of "an opposite party, the joy which every

"

one else must feel at the accomplishment "of an object universally acknowledged to, "be most desirable to us, and most auspi"cious to the deliverance of Europe. But "all those who do not attach themselves to "party, independent of every consideration "of the good of their country, must feel "rejoiced, that this great good is attained, "and must, of course, feel grateful to the government that has effected it. But there is still a stronger sensation than gratitude "to ministers, which will render it an indispensable duty to those who have the "interest of their country at heart, to sup

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port the vigorous measures and the grand "exertions which government will have 66 now to make. The great impulse of every patriotic mind must be to strengthen "and support the effort on which the "fate of the country, of Europe, and "of the World depends so much. We "should hope and trust, that even the

**most decided of the leaders of oppo"sition will see, in the accomplishment "of this grand object of British nego

tiation, strong grounds for restraining the "violence of their attacks; and that if it "does not render them more friendly to "the ministers who have done so great a "service, it will at least prevent them from

repressing the spirit, from checking the "energies, from depressing the resources, "and paralysing the efforts of the country "at a moment so eventful."-This latter part is an exhortation in favour of Mr. Pitt and Lord Melville. We are not (to use this half French and half English cant) to paralyse the efforts of the country, by

"occu

some "

this hireling scribe, this seller of paragraphroom by the inch, with a "want of patriotism"; I trust, that we shall, by all sensible and truly public - spirited and loyal men, now be thought entitled to gratitude" from our country and from our King, for having, in due time, checked the effects of delusion; for having prepared the people for an exertion of that fortitude, of which their country now stands so much in need; and for having di minished that disappointment, which, had it not been for us, would, at this moment, have made so fearful an addition to the evil consequences of the disasters, out of which it would, and must, have arisen.-Collaterally with the delusion relative to the war upon the Continent ran another, of less im

one."- -Returning to the paragraph above quoted; we, the opponents of Mr. Pitt, deny, or, at least, the editor of this work does, that he ever told the country, or that he ever, for one moment, thought, that no alliance against France, upon the continent, was to be expected, while Mr. Pitt should be minister. On the contrary, we always said, that nothing was easier than for Mr. Pitt to get powers enough to accept of subsidies, and subsidies necessarily imply an alliance. But, we did give it as our opinion, that, while this gentleman should remain minister of England, there was no reason to expect such an alliance as would tend to the restoration of the balance of European power, and, of course, to the permanent tranquility and security of this kingdom. Whether we really did" tell the "continental powers, that they could ex

pect nothing but ruin from an alliance "with a government of which Mr. Pitt was "the first minister;" whether we did, afterwards," tell the British people and the na

tions of the Continent, that defeat, disap"pointment, and destruction would be, in

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case of such an alliance, the only fruit of "their exertions;" whether we did so distinctly and so unconditionally state these forebodings, I, for my own part, shall not pretend to charge my memory, to use a phrase of Mr. Pitt upon the affair of the loan to Boyd and Benfield; but, if we did, I trust, we shall now be acquitted of all blame, even by those, who were then the most strongly inclined to censure us; I trust, indeed, that we, then reproached by

notice here; I mean, respecting the maritime means of the enemy, particularly as exerted by the sending out from, and keeping at sea, the squadron from Rochefort. "What other divisions," said the ORACLE of the 5th of September, "may have sailed, "the British Moniteur" [meaning the Morn

ing Chronicle]"best knows its authority, "if it has any besides that of its own fabri"cation. But, however annoying it may be "to the internal enemies of the country, we "have the satisfaction to assure our readers, "that the sea is perfectly clear, and that not

"ened it into action? Mr. Pitt. Who has "hastened Austria, at other times so tardy, "to march 200,000 men" [mark the number and the place]" to within thirty leagues of "the frontiers of France? Mr. Pitt. Who "has made the USURPING Braggart with "draw his troops from opposite our shores, "and hurry them away with the hope (vain hope, we trust!) of stopping the progress of the veteran MACK and his gallant army? Who? We ask the Opposition; who, but Mr. Pitt ?--"But, whatever the answer of the Opposi"tion may be, we doubt not that the voice

of parliament will, at a very early date of "the ensuing session, convince them that "the country is grateful for these mighty "and successful exertions; and that it will "not again see with pleasure the precious "time of the ministry wasted in vexatious "inquiries."-Always closing, you see, with a broad hint at the subject nearest his heart! Now, reader, prepare yourself; duly prepare yourself, for such an instance of tergiversation as you have never before witnessed, and as, I hope, you never will witness again. You have heard the partisans of the ministry speaking before the intelligence of the defeats of the Austrians was received: now listen to their language since the receipt of that intelligence: here how they now speak of " the veteran MACK," and of" the veteran MACK's Sovereign too." In the same, or nearly similar sentiments, the COURIER, the ORACLE, the SUN, and the MORNING POST have joined; but, we will confine ourselves to the COURIER; and, though the extracts will be long, certain I am that they will be found worth recording. It is, observe, the language of the ministerial papers, which we are now about to listen to. We are going to hear what they now say about "the veteran MACK," and about that "quickened march," that hasty advance to "within thirty leagues of the frontiers of "France," the sole merit of which they before ascribed to the "all-commanding ge"nius of Mr. Pitt," and of the country's gratitude for which the voice of parlia ment was soon to convince the Opposition.

In a situation of affairs so difficult, [29th of October] at a crisis so tremen"dous, the Opposition remain true to the "character which Mr. Wilberforce gave of "them, that if they did not wish the total "overthrow and ruin of the country, they "wished for just so much public calamity " and distress as would serve to get Mr. Pitt " out and themselves in. All the misfor"tunes of the Austrian arms are imputed

"to Mr. Pitt--he is the only person to "blame for the imbecility and supineness. " of General Mack;" [no longer the "veteran Mack "]" and the minister of "Great Britan is alone responsible for those

movements and operations which have "been attended with such disastrous effects. "But, in the name of common sense, did

any one suppose that in any coalition "with Austria we were to have the choice "of the generals who were to command "her armies? Was any one stupid enough "to imagine that Mr. Pitt was to be requir "ed to point out the general that would be

most agreeable to him? That he was to "draw out the plan of the campaign, to "trace the march, and to point out the po"sitions which the Austrian troops were to

occupy? Not a fortnight ago, when af"fairs wore a more cheering aspect, and "the Opposition thought that success might "attend the Austrian arms, they were

amazingly anxious to convince the coun

try, that Mr. Pitt, having had no hand in "the formation of the coalition, could have "no right to any participation of the glory "it might acquire. But no sooner has the

prospect become clouded, no sooner has "disaster attended the arms of the allies, "than Mr. Pitt is welcome to all the blame "and censure which an ill contrived plan of operations may deserve. He is blamed, "too, for not having made any diversion in support of Austria.- -But had be or any man reason to suppose that Mack" [What! plain Mack already!]" would act as he has done, or that he would prefer entering upon the war before the arrival of the Russians? Had he waited for "them, had he fallen back upon the Inn, or never advanced beyond it, the Expedi "tion, which is now ready for sailing, "would have reached its destination, by the "time the combined Austrians and Russians

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