Majesty finds it incumbent upon him to lay before his co-estates of the Empire such documents as may shew the true causes and views which have compelled him to arm. They will thence perceive that Austria offered its mediation for the restoration of peace and tranquillity, which France refused; that France wishes not peace; for that situation is not peace, but more destructive than war, in which a single power, formidable by its greatness, alone remains armed, and is prevented by no opposition from occupy ing with its troops, oppressing, and subjecing one independent peaceable state after another. To put an end to this state of things is the object of the arming of the Austrian and Russian Imperial Courts; and that the former, from the menacing armaments of the French in Italy, has the most pressing motives to be careful, for its own safety, must be evident to all who have had experience in the affairs of the world; and for further proof it is only necessary to refer to the extracts of the Moniteurs of the 12th of May, and 13th of June of the present year. That only this object, and not any self-interested views, have produced the determination of Austria and Russia, appears from their readiness to enter into any negociation on principles of justice and moderation from their assurances to the states of the Empire, that, in case war should prove unavoidable, they will maintain the legal state of the German Constitution and possessions inviolate; which assurances the Austrian Envoys have orders to repeat and confirm in the most solemn manner.-The threats of the French Emperor to attack the German Empire, shews how necessary it is to be guarded against such an attack by adequate preparations; experience never to be forgotten has taught with what consequences the fulfilment of such threats on the part of France is connected; and it is the more necessary to be active in preventing them, as already the most certain indications are apparent, that several Princes of the frontier circles of the Empire have been encouraged on the part of the French, to take up arms against their Emperor and co-estate, and to this end new secret connections have been entered into, and those existing abused.--His Majesty trusts with confidence, that if not all, at least the greater part of the states of the empire will see the dangerous tendency of such proceedings, and the necessity of warding off from Germany, by unanimity, fidelity and courage, the fate of Italy and other neighbouring countries of France, which have been rendered either half, or entirely dependent upon her; and that they

will consequently approve and promote those measures, without which the salutary views of Austria and Russia cannot be carried into effect; for it is most evident that the possibility of maintaining a real peace, de pends on being prepared with those effectual means, which, in case it should be impossible to attain the object wished, can alone furnish the last hope of deliverance and succour. LOUIS, COUNT COBENTZEL.

[The statements mentioned in the above rescript, are extracts from the moniteurs of the 11th of May, and 19th of June. The former gives an account of the camp of Marengo, where thirty battalions of infantry of the line, four battalions of light infantry, and seven squadrons of cavalry, were assembled. The other article is from the camp of Castiglione, dated the 18th of June, saying, "at the moment of our arrival, forty-eight battalions of infantry, and forty-five squa drons of cavalry, with sixty pieces of cannon, are exercising in the immense plain of Montechiaro. France never had better troops, which performed their exercise more readily, or were animated with a better spirit. If you see this camp, after that of Marengo, and know, that we have, in dependent of these, a division at Genoa, another at Florence, and a third at Naples, you will find that we have at this moment a greater army in Italy than ever, without reckoning the corps of Italian troops, which? is forming under the eye of its master, and appears to be animated with a desire to reuder itself worthy of its Sovereign."]

AUSTRIA AND FRANCE. Two Declarations in the Form of Notes, delivered by M. de Talleyrand, French Minister of Foreign Relations, to Count Philip Cobentzel, at Paris.

First Note from M. de Talleyrand, delivered on the 13th August, 1805,

1

The undersigned has hastened, on the termination of the conference which he has had the honour of holding with Count de Cobentzel, to transmit to Boulogne the De claration delivered to him by his Excellency (alluding to the Austrian Declaration of the 5th of August), and he has received orders from the Emperor and King to return the following answer :-The Emperor could not fail of being sensibly affected by the sentiments of moderation shewn in the afore-' said Declaration, and by the amicable reɛdi-to ness of his Majesty the Emperor of Germany to and Austria, to hasten, by his interposition, 1: the termination of the evils caused by the war to the French empire. But the more his Majesty knows how to appreciate the

importance and the value of the good offices of his Majesty the Emperor of Austria, the more he is grateful for the intention with which the offer of those good offices is made, and the more does he feel, that his very sentiments of gratitude forbid him to make use thereof: if, on the one hand, from the nature of things, and on the other, from the situation of circumstances, it is not even permitted to hope, that they can be employed with advantage, nor consequently without comprising the dignity of the Mediator. This motive alone would be decisive for his Majesty, even if it were possible to forget how the Cabinets of London and St. Petersburgh have very lately answered his most noble and magnanimous behaviour.M. de Novosiltzoff was coming to France, without the Emperor's knowing his intentions. The King of Prussia had required passports for this Chamberlain of the Emperor of Russia. The passports were immediately granted without any explanation. What benefit has his Majesty derived from this extraordinary concession? An offensive note, replete with false assertions, was the sole result from a mission, which the Emperor had neither occasioned nor required.—. Being thus attacked in his honour, it is no longer possible for him to require or expect any thing of Russia, who, instead of being desirous of peace, finds her own interest in war, and founds on its renovation hopes, which she attempts in vain to conceal, when her behaviour unveils them even to those eyes which are the least penetrating.For a twelvemonth past the Emperor has received nothing but insults from the Russian Cabinet. His character and his dispositions are too well known for it to be believed, that he will expose himself to fresh injuries. It belongs to the Emperor Alexander to judge which alternative appears most advantageous for him; whether to persist in a system, to the adoption of which he was moved by foreign influence, or to return to more moderate, more just, and wiser sentiments. He has a greater interest in returning to them, than France has to lead him back thereto. This alteration must be the result of his own contideration, and cannot form an object of any kind of negotiation.---As | to England, his Majesty made an attempt, eight months ago, to incline her to peace; which attempt Europe knew how to appreciate, and which would not have been in vain, if England had depended solely upon her own resources; but, from the answer returned by the Cabinet of St. James's, it was clear that it would not think of a peace, till it had lost every hope of setting the Con

tinent in flames, and of covering Italy with blood and carnage. With this intention, and with this intention alone, it called upon ( the interposition of Russia. The Cabinet of Vienna is too enlightened not to perceive this, though the projects and motives of England were not known to it, from the pres sing solicitations, and from the offer of subsidies with which she has constantly besieged the Court of Vienna, to induce it to take uparms. It cannot be hoped that such a power will listen to the advice of moderation and jus tice. It would even be useless to speak to it of its interest, which ought to be dearest to it. Blind passions induce it to mistake those interests. The voice of persuasion would avail nothing; but that which the good offices of Austria cannot induce England to do, Austria can oblige her to do." She needs neither exertions nor menaces for this purpose, but merely to observe a very simple process, which will convince England of her impotence.England knows, and has more than once declared, that Russia, alone cannot afford her any assistance, and that a diversion will be of no use to her, as long as Prussia and Austria will not cocperate with her.--Prussia has declared. at all times, that she will in no case 'enter into any hostile project against France. Let the Emperor of Austria make the same declaration, and the British Cabinet will immediately feel its own interest, as it is no longer deceived by unfounded imagina tions, and informed by the opinion of the most enlightened people of that country; it will immediately see the necessity of returning to the stipulations of the Treaty of Amiens, and she will find her happiness in this necessity. Then the Emperor of Germany will not only have a claim upon the gratitude of the Emperor of the French, but he will have effected more for his own advantage than if he had gained ten battles against France; for an immediate cousequence of the peace would be the performance of the obligation which his Majesty the Emperor of the French has taken upon himself, and which he renews with pleasure, of separating the Crowns of France and Italy.-If on the other hand, Austria, by indecisive measures, leave a doubtful and uncertain opinion; if thereby she authorises the assertions of the English ministry, that she belongs to a coalition; if she continues to keep 72,000 men in Italy, the Emperor will be obliged to believe that she sees, with a secret joy, a war which weakens France, and that she thinks the moment favourable for resuming these hostilities, of which the present generation -must bę

tired of being made the victims. His Majesty, who has only 50,000 men in Italy, 15,000 of whom are at the extremity of the kingdom of Naples, sees his most important frontier exposed to danger, and cannot provide it with fresh troops without drawing the troops from his Army of the Ocean; he can, therefore, not consider Austria in any other light than that of making a diversion in favour of England, which is as impressive and more troublesome to him than would be an open war.His Excellency Count Cobentzel will have remarked what great and extraordinary subjects the present circumstances offer. Such circumstances render measures necessary answerable thereto. It is a truth, of which all enlightened men are sensible, and of which his Majesty is penetrated; when Frederic the Second saw that a war was intended against him, he was beforehand with his enemies. The House of Austria has more than once done the same: at present the Emperor of the French sees preparations making in Poland and in Italy. Even the places where they are made, shew that they are the result of an agreement, and point out against whom they are intended. The undersigned must ask of Count Cobentzel, what would the Emperor of Germany do, if he were in the place of the French Emperor?However, the Emperor will be happy to suppose the best for futurity, as it depends on Austria to . make what is to come happy for Europe, and as he takes the sentiments, expressed in the note, which the undersigned has received of Count Cobentzel, for a good omen. May Austria issue the same declaration which Prussia has made; may she, by acts, confirm that declaration, and reduce her whole force, and the whole artillery, &c. of her army, to the peace establishment; may she no longer keep 72,000 men in Italy; may she order back to their garrisons the regiments assembled to form an army in the Tyrol, and cease the establishing of magazines, and the fortified camps, which announce an approaching war, and nothing will further disturb the peace of the Continent; this peace, so desirable to all parties, since France has nothing to gain by a fresh combat. Austria will gain nothing by it, and the maritime peace will soon follow. When Austria shall have declared, that she remains neutral, and will remain neutral, a peace will be the desire and hope of Enland; it will be concluded, and the Treaty of Amiens will be restored before the month of January. The Crowns of France and . Italy will be separated for ever: Europe, enjoying security and tranquillity, will owe

them to the wisdom of Austria, which, by an opposite behaviour, would have precipitated Europe into a situation, which neither the Cabinet of the Thuilleries, nor the Cabinet of Vienna, nor any other, could calculate or foresee His Excellency Count Cobentzel will see, that in those communications, which the undersigned has been ordered to make to him, it was impossible for his Majesty to proceed. with mors openness, dignity, and sincerity. For the interest of Austria herself, and for the glory of her Sovereign, his Majesty wishes that the Emperor of Germany may avail himself of the opportunity which is offered to him. The fate of his own States, and that of Europe, is now in his hands. In one hand he helds the disturbances and revolutions; in the other, the general peace. An impartial neutrality sufficient for him ao obtain what he desires, and to insure the peace of the world. The most efficacious mediation of peace which Austria can make, consists in the preservation of the most perfect neutrality, in the cessation of armaments, in not obliging France to make a diversion, and in leaving no hope for England of bringing Austria over to her side. The under

signed can have no doubt, but his Excellency Count Cobentzel will set a due value upon the subjects discussed in the present note, and contribute, by his influence, to have them considered in that point of view

-He seizes this opportunity to renew to his Excellency Count Cobentzel, the assurance of his highest esteem. ·

Second Note from M. De Talleyrand, deli

vered on the 16th of August, 1805. His Majesty the Emperor had placed the greatest reliance on the pacific and amicable assurances of Austria, as he thought he had a right to depend upon the good disposition of that power, considering the manner in which he behaved towards it after two wars, the entire advantage of which was on the side of France, and in which the greatest part of the Austrian possessions had been conquered by his arins. -Entirely occupied with the war which England has raised, he hoped, since he had given Austria no cause of complaint, that Austria would preserve the strictest and most impartial neutrality; but the movements of troops, and the other hostile dispositions which have taken place in the Hereditary States, and at, which Europe is either uneasy or astonished, compel his Majesty the Emperor, to demand not only a categorical explanation, but a most speedy one.The repeated accounts when

the Emperor feceives from all quarters, compel him to postpone his projects against England; and thus Austria bas done as much as if she had commenced hostilities; for she has made the most powerful diversion in favour of England. Austria assembles an army in the Tyrol, whilst France has evacuated all Switzerland. His Excellency Count Cobentzel knows Tery well, that Austria has nearly 72,000 men in Italy, whilst France has not 50,000 there, 15,000 of whom are on the Gulf of Tarento: and this is the very cause that has principally determined him to suspend his projects. Austria raises campfortifications every where, as if a war were already declared, or very near at hand. All the Austrian troops are in motion; all have quitted their garrisons in which they were quartered; all are marching in a direction which announces war; and how, indeed, could his Majesty the Emperor of Germany and Austria, assemble so many regiments with a pacific intention, in a country so barren and poor as the Tyrol, where he can only maintain them to the detriment of his finances? Why should he establish magazines? Why should he order the baking of biscuit? Why should he take up so many draught - horses? It is a principle in the public law of Europe, that the assembling of troops, establishing of magazines, baking of biscuit, taking up of draught-horses, are considered by all powers as a declaration of war, especially if such preparations are made on a frontier, which is left unprovided by a power employed elsewhere, at an opposite and very disstant frontier. His Majesty, desirous of reconciling those dispositions with the pacific expressions of his Majesty the Emperor of Germany, in which he has always placed the strongest confidence, can only reconcile them on the supposition, that this Monarch knows nothing of the wrong that has been done to France; and that the diversion occasioned by his armament is tantamount to actual hostilities. His Majesty is still desirous of persuading himself, that that Monarch really knows nothing of it; but the natural consequences of a similar error are equally detrimental to France as positive hostile intentions, and for this very reason his Majesty's interest requires to be beforehand with them.It is no longer protestations which can satisfy his Majesty. His Majesty cannot admit any intermediate state betwixt that of war or of peace. If Austria wants peace, every thing in Austria must be restored to the peace establishment. Should Austria desire war, his Majesty will have no

other alternative than to throw back upon the aggressor all the evils which he would bring, not only upon the present generation, but also (his Majesty dares to utter it with pride) upon his own States and his own Family, for his Majesty will flatter iiimself to obtain, in a new war, similar victories as in the preceding; and to secure himself against those diversions which are, as it were, the first step of a coalition in favour of England -The undersigned has, therefore, received orders, on the supposition most agreeable to his Majesty, namely, on the supposition that Austria is desirous of peace, to demand: 1. That the twenty-one regiments, which have been sent to the German and Italian Tyrol, shall be withdrawn, and that those troops only shall remain in both the said provinces, which were there six months ago. 2. That the camp-fortifications be discontinued. The emperor does not require, that Austria shall not erect real fortifications. The right of erecting them belongs to all states, and precaution often makes it the duty of a prince. But as Venice is certainly no fortress, the works carrying on there at present are nothing else than camp-works. 3. That the troops in Stiria, in Carinthia, in Friuli, and in the Venetian territory, be reduced to the numbers at which they stood six months ago. Lastly, That Anstrin declare to Engand her firm and unshaken determination to preserve an exact and scrupulous neutrality, without taking a part in the present dispute; because it is the duty of Austria, if she will preserve a system of neutrality, to do nothing, either mediately, or immediately, in favour of England. The undersigned has also received orders to declare to his excel

lency Count Cobentzel, or rather to repeat the declaration so often made to him, that the dearest wish of his Majesty the Emperor of the French, is the continuance of the peace with the German Emperor; that his Majesty would unwillingly take those steps which he would be obliged to take, by a positive refusal, or even an evasive or diktory answer, to the demands which the undersigned has been directed to make; but that in a situation like that of Austria, Prince Charles would not hesitate, as that Prince is too good a soldier not to behave in a similar manner; and that if his Majesty is obliged to repel force by force, he will not commit the fault to wait until the Russians have joined the Austrians against him. His Excellency Count Cobentzel knows too well the importance and urgency of the present circumstances, for the undersigned to think it necessary to invite him to hasten, as much as is possible and depends on him, an 28

wer, which his Majesty expects with an Impatience that is justified on so many grounds. The undersigned seizes this opportunity, &c.

RUSSIA AND FRANCE.-Note from the French Government, in reply to the Note of M. Novosittzoff, addressed to the Court of Berlin; as published in the Frankfort Gazette of the 11th September, 1805.

4

The note, which is said to have been addressed by M. Novosiltzoff, to the Court of Berlin, has been published in the German Journals. The false assertions which it contains, and the strange pretensions which it manifests, the total want of decorum, which characterises that pretended state paper, do not permit the undersigned to remain silent on its publication. He has received formal orders to communicate to his Excellency M. De, the following observations. He does not doubt but that they will be sufficient to rectify the impressions which might have been produced by a paper, which is an offensive and inaccurate exposition of indirect and temporary circumstances, which have lately taken place between Russia and his Majesty. The Emperor and King, has for a long time observed, in silence, the progress of Russia, towards the South of Asia: he saw, with just uneasiness, the danger which threatened Persia and Turkey, two great empires; one of which cannot be overcome without involving the other in inevitable ruin, and the other is the sole barrier between the Continent and Russia. The states of the Grand Seignior are not only threatened, but his cabinet is continually besieged by intriguers, and is every day humbled by new demands, and by arrogant propositions, which are injurious to the dignity of the Prince, and do not leave the ministers the free choice of any measures. His provinces are agitated with new disorders, which the agents of Russia openly foment. Pachas and seditious governors are confirm ed in their culpable enterprises, and pride themselves upon their projects of independence, and upon the assistance of Russia. The Greeks, a nation who, till this day, were submissive subjects, are revolting on all sides against the Turks, and their disobedience is not punished. The Russian squadrons pervade the Ottoman Seas, and carry to their coasts, arms, recruiting parties, agents of trouble and insurrection; and, we may well doubt, if there does not now exist in Tartary a greater number of men who are concerting and contriving to destroy that unhappy empire, than the Sovereign could arm and embody, to ensure its preservation. Such

is the disastrous state of Turkey. The Emperor, affected to see himself almost the only Prince on the Continent whe very early foresaw the projects which were formed against Turkey, hoped that the imprudent rapidity with which they were developed would open the eyes of Europe, and he has seen with pleasure, a circumstance which enables his Majesty to bring this interesting subject into discussion, and call the atten tion of all the cabinets to it. His Majesty the King of Prussia wrote to him to communicate the desire which the Emperor of Russia had expressed, and to send one of his chamberlains when passports were demanded; the Emperor neither received nor asked for an explanation. He knew before-hand, and he expressed his opinion upon that point to the King of Prussia, that no hopes of the tranquillity of the world could be founded upon that negotiation; though, perhaps, a favourable opinion might still be entertained of the personal generosity of the Emperor Alexander, no favourable result could be expected from a discussion in which his moderation had been so perversely overcome by foreign influence, and by the intrigues of those who surround him.That, in reality, Russia takes no real and sincere part in the interests of the Continent; but, indifferent to the happiness of Europe, her intervention in political storms has ever served only to increase hatred and inflame passion, That at all times, the quarrels of other powers have been to her only the subject of a mere idle speculation, and that now, occupied as she is, with the progressive annihilation of Persia and Turkey, they can only be to her a momentary subject for diversion or perhaps of fantasy. His Majesty, the Emperor, however, ordered that the passports should be sent; and, since then, nothing more has been heard of the Chamberlain of the Emperor of Russia. It must doubtless be regretted, that an opportunity has been lost of making just and severe representations to Russia on her conduct in Asia, on the oppression with which she menaces the Ottoman empire, and on the causes of the alarm which begins to spread every where, at the approach of an event, which threatens to destroy for ever the equilibrium of the South of Europe. It is in this point of view, above all, that his Majesty looked upon the proposed negotiation as an advantageous project, which might tend to the general good, and he is afflicted that the caprice of Russia has, in this respect, disappointed his hopes. In exposing, however, on this head, his real views, he does not think himself obliged to enter into any explanation with respect to