boxing, to say nothing of the disgrace, every one must agree; and, it cannot be denieл, that the former have increased in proportio as the latter has been driven from amongst the people. But, boxing matches give rise to assemblages of the people; they tend to make the people bold; they produce a communication of notions of hardihood; they serve to remind men of the importance of bodily strength; they, each in its sphere, occasion a transient relaxation from labour; they tend, in short, to keep alive, even amongst the lowest of the people, some idea of independence: whereas, amongst cutters and stabbers and poisoners (for the law above-mentioned includes English poisoners) there is necessarily a rivalship for quietness and secrecy; they generally perform their work single handed; their operations have nothing of riot or commotion in them; as to labour, they lose little of the time for that, seeing that their mode of seeking safisfaction is with the greatest chance of success pursued in the dark; and there' is not the least fear, that their practices will ever Tender them politically turbulent, or bold. In fact, the system of effeminacy as it has grown out of, so it is perfectly adapted to, the Pitt system of internal politics, which, by making, in a greater or less degree, almost every man, who has property, a sort of prisoner, or, at least, an annuitant, of the state, aims at ruling the nation by its base, instead of its honourable feelings. On the selfishness of 'the common people, particularly the labouring part of them, the Pit system of finance and taxation has, directly at least, no hold; and, therefore, it required the aid of the system of effeminacy, which includes the suppression of mirth as well as of hardy exercises, and, indeed, of every thing that tends to produce relaxations from labour and a communication of ideas of independence amongst the common people. Systems better calculated for preventing internal opposition to the government never were invented; but, this is not all that a wise statesman and one that loves his country will look to. Such a statesman will perceive, that if he destroy the feelings, from the operation of which the government might occasionally have something to apprehend, he thereby destroys the means, by which alone the government can be permanently preserved. Render the whole nation effeminate; suffer no relaxation from labour or from care; shut all the paupers up in work-houses, and those that are not so shut up, work in gangs, each with its driver: this do, and it is evident that you will have no internal commotion; it is evident, that you' will hold the people in complete subjection

to your will; but, then, recollect, that they will be like the ass in the fable, that they will stir neither hand nor foot to prevent a transfer of their subjection to another master. Thank God, we are yet at a great distance from a state so full of wretchedness and of infamy, and, I trust, that we shall long be so preserved. In speaking of the system of effeminacy as adapted to a cooperation with the Pitt system of internal policy, I by no means would be understood as supposing, that it has been contrived, or at all encouraged, at least wilfully, by Mr. Pitt, or by any other minister. It is, indeed, one of the many evils that have na turally grown out of the Pitt system; but, whatever other faults I may impute to Mr. Pitt, as a minister, justice to him obliges me to confess, that I have never heard of his directly favouring the endeavours of those weak, meddling, and, in many instances, fanatical persons, who are the chief instruments in the persecution of all manly and mirthful exercises; and, I confidently hope, that, if any further attempts are made at le gislative innovation upon these subjects, he will be found amongst their determined oppoñents.

SIR WILLIAM D'ARLEY.In another part of this sheet, will be found a letter from this gentleman, which I have lost not a moment in laying before my readers.——— Of the documents, to which he refers, being mostly in the French and Italian languages, it will be better for me to state the substance here. The first is a certificate from Cardinat Ruffo, dated at Rome, 6th February, 1801, bearing the most honourable testimony of the bravery and the services performed by Sir William D'Arley during the last war. He was, it appears, a Captain in the British marines, and was sent to communicate with the Neapolitan commanders. He was, in consequence of his skill and his bra very, appointed to take upon him the command of a principal part of the troops, in which situation, to use nearly the words of the Cardinal, he, by his conciliating man"ners, greatly contributed towards putting

an end to the discord prevalent amongst "the other officers. He kept his command "till the object of it was completely accom

plished and, in the different actions, "he uniformly gave proofs of his skill and "his courage.' The next document is dispatch from General Acton to Prince Cas telcicala, stating the service of Sir William' D'Arley, and notifying the intention of the King of Naples (the consent of His Britan nic Majesty being obtained) to bestow on him the Royal Military Order of Constantinien. The third is a letter from Prince Cas

the public, it is probable, that some authentic account of the fate of the combined fleets will have been obtained; but, if there should not, it may not be quite unnecessary again to caution the reader against entertaining any very sanguine expectations as to the consequences of any engagement that can take place; I mean consequences as to the duration and final result of the war; for, I venture to repeat, that the destruction of the whole of the combined fleets would, in the present state of Europe, produce but very little effect, either upon the power or the disposition of the enemy. If I am asked, what, then, would produce effect upon him," I answer, that I do not know, and that, if we are placed in such a wretched situation, it is the faults of those who were the authors of the peace of Amiens and of the measures which naturally produced it. In remarking (which I intend to do in my next) upon the state of the dispute between France and Russia, I shall have occasion to point out some circumstances to strengthen this opinion, which, indeed, seems now to be pretty generally entertained; but, I may here say, for it is, I am persuaded, a truth that can never be too often repeated, that, without a radical change in our system, both of internal and external policy, both in our measures of political economy and in our military and naval arrangements, we shall never, in the life time of the youngest man amongst us, know what it is to enjoy an hour's real peace. People do not, and they will not, perceive, that our position in Europe, and especially with regard to France, is totally New. The old maxims, applied to the present times, are foolishness; and, if we persist in acting upon them, our fall is certain. The plans of France for the subjugation of England are only beginning to be put in exe

cution.

The alarmns about invasion have

been premature; and, though it is not impossible that some attempt may be made this summer, it appears to be improbable. One great feature in the scheme of the Enemy is to wear us out. He has not disguised his intention; he has calculated upon the effects of a seven years' war upon the resources of our purse and our patience; and, if we change not our system, (a change always in our power, however,) his calculation is perfectly rational. The loss of his fleets would only add to the number of years: it would make no other alteration in his

plans: situated as he is and as we are, the most we can hope for (if we persist in the pernicious Pitt system), is, to defer the hour of our overthrow. At the loss of his Bech we must, and we ought to rejoice;

reliance on the consequences of such loss, we may create for ourselves most grievous? disappointment; and, which is still worse, may be induced to defer the adoption of the only measures, by which we can possibly obtain the means of permanent security.

POSTSCRIPT. Since the forewing articles were written, the following arag oph-los. reached me, in the Morning Chronicle oft the 7th instant. It is another of bose stances, which I was desirous of poisong out to the attention of my readers. the reasons given at the close of it, I shudiy leave it without comment.---“jun the peace of the county of Kent was r at Blackheath by two men who haoy viously agreed to dispute by force di Lart which, in their language, was the best man. Old Caleb Baldwin was one of the.curas batants, and young Ryan was his attagonist. The Chicken was second to the former, and Clarke, a well-known assistant at these st of feats, was the bottle-holder Tom Joura seconded and Dick Wheel held the botus to young Ryan, At half after eleven they set to; the old man made a deal of bustig and hit the first blow. Though the other was a larger and more athletic man, this made the bets run nearly even. Bat the strength and spirit of youth prevailed from that to the 8th round, when the old man made a most amazing exertion by putting down madeamostamazing his head below the other's waist, and giving him a complete somerset over his shoulders. Though this hurt the young man severely no doubt, it seemed to be an additional stimulus to his action, for in the next round he beat Caleb quite down by repeated blows. Notwithstanding what he had suffered, the old man continued to fight with great spirit and wonderful activity; he did great injury to the young man at intervals, and though he was severely hurt himself and lost his wind considerably, he held out until the 20th round, when he fell apparently through fatigue, and young Ryan strack him either as he was falling or when his knee was on the ground, but the most general voice was that the blow was foul. Baldwin was unmediately carried off by his friends, and the money for which the battle was fought, as well as the different bets depending, are still to be decided by the majority of voices among the amateurs, and no doubt, as sporting gentlemen, their decision will be honour able between the parties.After the fight was over, there was a still greater breach of

the peace; a party of the military on horseback, with drawn sabres, were seen galloping at full speed, so swift that one of the riders lost his cap by the way; they

came off the road, and swept in a semi

im round the multitude, who h not yet dispersed. The Riot Act was Lo read, ner was there so much as a constable's staf shewn, to induce or command the people to disperse by the authority of the civil law. The East London Militia are quartered at Greenwich, and having just fin shed exercise, many of them joined in the crowd to see the exhibition of the only mole of fighting which is peculiarly English. Some of them, as well as several other people, bad hair-breadth escapes; but a filer belonging to the East London had his jaw-bone broke and received other injury. Two, noblemen and some gentlemen have given their addresses to the ringleader of the party, and Mr. M. went to a neighbouring magistrate, under whose authority they said they acted, to inquire if it was a fact that he had lent the authority of his official character to a band of soldiers to act ad licitum, without his presence or control, against an unarmed body of British subjects. As the affair will certainly become the subject of legal inquiry, it is too delicate a matter to describe more particularly at present.”.

Botley, Thursday, 8th August, 1893.

SIR WILLIAM D'ARLEY.

SIR,In your paper of Saturday the 27th July, you have favoured the public .with a dissertation on the Pension List laid before parliament; to what effect, it is not my intention to consider: confining myself simply, to that notice you have thought proper to take of the bounty which it has pleased His Majesty by the advice of his ministers to bestow on me, and to the doubts which may arise in the public mind whether it has been deservedly bestowed or not, I have only to observe, that this mark of His Majesty's grace and favour was conferred upon me after twenty-two years unremitting service as an officer, and having shared in several of the principal battles of my country by sea and land; and in particular for the more immediate and individual services I was considered to have performed during the last war, while in Italy, as certified in the inclosed official documents, the originals of which are to be seen in the Foreign Office, and to their authenticity and truth, the then ministers, the Sicilian Envoy, Lord Nelson, and Sir Samuel Hood will bear sufficient testimony if called upon.— -So far, Sir, am I from being "very much obliged" for this occasion of publicity, that it is with real pain I embrace it, but the very few (as you justly hint) who do know me, will expect a reply where so much may be said,

and the rest of my countrymen will, I hope, pardon an apparent egotism, which takes its rise from your animadverting in the language of sarcasm, on the reward bestowed on military enterprise, treating it as unmerited profusion. I remain, SIR, your most obedient servant, WILLIAM D'ARLEY. Hythe, 3d August, 1805.

ΤΟ

THE HON, CHARLES JAMES FOX, M. P. ON THE REFORM OF FINANCIAL ABUSES. LETTER X.

SIR,- -Upon the few occasions, that the people of England come forward at public meetings, to express their opinion upon great national questions, it is natural to look up to you as their champion in parliament, ready to propose those measures which ought to be brought forward in compliance with their sentiments, when generally and anxious. ly declared. The public opinion has never been more universally, or more loudly heard upon any subject, than it has of late concerning the delinquency of Lord Melville. The table of the House of Commons was never more crouded with petitions, contain ing the trac and unbiassed sentiments of the nation. Nor ever was there a period, when the public approached the House of Com mons, with greater expectations of redress for both proved and apprehended criminality. And yet, Sir, if they were well ac quainted with, and if they duly considered the conduct of the House since those peti tions were laid upon its table, they would greatly relax in the confidence, which they were at first disposed to place in their repre sentatives.The wisdom of the nation induced it at once to see the conduct of Lord Melville in all its different bearings. It did not suffer itself to be led astray by the indignation, which it naturally felt at the detection of a minister, next to the prime minister in rank and power, and one that had experienced the fullest confidence both of the King, and of a large majority of the people for a long series of years. Nor did it confine its views to the mere gratification of acquiring an excessive degree of punishment. But more sagaciously, it considered the proofs of criminality in one department en trusted with the management of the public money, as strong symptoms of mismanage ment, if not of criminality in the other departments; and, accordingly the petitions, that were the consequences of the decision of the House of Commons on the 8th of April, did not only congratulate the House upon its vote, and demand justice in the case of Lord Melville; but they required further investigation, and the full exercise of the prerogative of the Commons House of Parliament, over the application of the pub

lic revenues *. But how has this request of the nation been treated? Mr. Pitt, the minister of the country and the friend of Lord Melville, has brought in one bill for continuing the commission of naval inquiry, and another 1r appointing a certain number of gentlemen, of his own selection, commissioners to inquire into the conduct of certain military departments, likewise of his own selection. And these are the only measures adopted by the House of Commons in consequence of the petitions; and this is the manner in which even these measures have been brought forward. I will not now say, Sir, that the public opinion has been neglected, the petitions of the people overlooked, and their expectations very unwisely disappointed. But, this I will say, that if the approaching session of parliament is permitted to pass by without other more appropriate measures being taken to reform the system of conducting the public expenditure, the people will have great reason to complain of the remissness and indolence of their representatives. There are no doubt many reasons to justify you, Sir, as the leader of opposition, in not having, as yet, brought forward any measure founded upon the petitions of the people. The advanced period of the session, when Lord Melville's delinquency was declared; the numerous debates that arose out of the variety of opipions entertained as to the mode of future trial; the policy of leaving the minister to himself to chuse his own plan of meeting the public sentiment, all these are strong reasons for waving a determination upon the general conduct of the opposition with regard to the petitions. But, though they are so, the opposition would fall into a fatal erFor, if they judged from the circumstance of the people, not appearing to be dissatisfied at what has been done, or rather has not been done, that they really were contented. For if the people saw in the detection of the systematic plunder of the naval money, during a period of 16 years, sufficient grounds for requiring of the House of Commons an investigation of the proceedings of all the various offices concerned in the management of the national expenditure, it cannot be said, that the continuation of the naval commission, and the appointment of a military commission of inquiry are in themselves measures adequate to either the expectations or the object of the petitioners. If, even it

* The detection of such malversations, in one department of the state, induces apprehensions that others may not be more faithfully and honestly administered." Petition of town of Southampton, et ceterce

is taken for granted, that the commissioners of military inquiry, will faithfully discharge their duty, and certainly the characters of the gentlemen appointed to this commission justly warrant such an expectation, still that great portion of the public expenditure, which is directly under the management of the Treasury, is made subject to no parlamen tary examination whatever. This consideration introduces to our notice the mystery of the consolidated fund. The annual charge upon which, as it stood on the 5th of Jan. 1805, was 27,510,5481 (No. II. p. 93;) Would it not, Sir, be satisfactory to the petitioners to know, that the conduct of the Treasury in the annual payment of so large a sum during these last 6 years was free from reproach. Or if, upon inquiry, it should prove to be otherwise, would it not be equally satisfactory to them to know in what instances it had been culpable, and thus to see the groundwork of reform prepared?Another item under the direct management and control of the Treary, is the expense incurred for the civil government of Scotland. So far as it may be presumed that Lord Melville possessed any influence with the Lords of the Treasury, so far and in such a degree is it reasonable to surmise, that irregularities may have taken place in this particular branch of the public expenditure, and for this reason, it is one eminently fit to be minutely investigated. A third item immediately belonging to the Treasury department, is the moderate charge of near two millions per annum for MISCELLANEOUS SERVICES. A most modest, and by no meuis flippant method of accounting to the public for the disposal of two millions per annum of their money! What obligations must ministers be under to that most ingenious Secretary of the Treasury, who first discovered the happy facility of covering all jobs, and bringing all issues of money under their proper head by the use of the two simple words MISCELLANEOUS SERVICES!!! They are, it is worthy of remark, always placed in the account laid before parliament, (No. 5) just in the line, namely, the last, where balances are usually found in an account; but, instead of balances due either by the public, or to the public, to account correctly, according to common custom, for its property, this pleasant invention supplies their place, and affords the Secretaries of the Treasury the extreme satisfaction of being able to lay before parliament, an account of the whole public expenditure of the year, without the vulgar and troublesome word “balances" once obtruding itself. Surely, Sir, it would be gratifying to the petitioners to know upon what merits, these two millions per annu