assumed on our side of the Atlantic. Indeed, 'that is almost a matter of indifference, since the greater part if not the whole of any remission in our favor would be transferred automatically to the benefit of our debtors.'

Great Britain

and Ireland

The Trade-Union Bill still monopolizes the stage in politics, having thrust the Budget and and 'flapper vote' quite into the background. To quote the Times, the bill is opposed on the following eight grounds that it (1) restricts the power to strike, but does not affect the employers' power to lock out; (2) protects blacklegs; (3) makes picketing almost impossible; (4) deprives the unions of their legal right to raise political funds; (5) prevents civil servants from linking up with their fellow workers; (6) interferes with a local authority's power to unionize its staff; (7) severely limits the right of a local government employee to strike; (8) permits the Attorney-General to interfere in the administration of tradeunion funds. Since this was written an amendment extends the bill to cover a general lockout. Labor seems to have conducted its campaign in Parliament badly to quote the Spectator, 'substituting personal abuse and irrelevant interruption for argument.' To be sure, this heckling was organized, but it savored of the tactics of a ward meeting rather than those of a deliberative body.

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its Trade-Union Bill in England, which forbids civil servants from joining & labor organization, government em ployees in France formally decided to become members of the General Confederation of Labor. Poincaré's speech at Bar-le-Duc defending the policy of the Cabinet was well received by his countrymen. The Saturday Review professes to discover in his refusal to stabilize the franc a shrewd political manœuvre. Had he done so every ambitious politician would now be struggling for the premiership. As it is 'none of them dares to attempt the overthrow of the one man who is still looked upon as the savior of France.' The Ministry has put additional push into its campaign against the Communists, partly because extremist activities are extending. There have been serious strikes, alleged to be fomented by Bolshevist agents; a revolver battle between Communists and Royalists recently occurred in the streets of Paris; and Moscow doctrines are said to have gained a serious hold upon the Army. L'Echo de Paris deplores what it calls l'ennui social - the mentality of the type of man cleverly depicted by Robert Lynd as "Thompson' in our May 1 issue. It believes that the citizen of to-day has lost faith in government and no longer feels the inspiration of collective social effort. 'We have Lenins because we no longer have Peter-the-Hermits.'

Is it indicative of this mood that the Preparatory Commission for the Disarmament Conference at DisarmaGeneva has adjourned until ment in the November, after five weeks Doldrums of futile discussion, with little prospect that its labors will bear more than academic fruit? The London Spectator, which tries to find as much good as possible in the meeting, finds consolation in the thought that its

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real failure. . . gives a fresh and 'ortunate importance to the Naval Conference between Great Britain, the United States, and Japan which is to neet on June 12.' Nevertheless, the descriptions of the preparatory gatherng as ‘a fiasco,' ‘a comedy,' ‘a farce,' a pitiful spectacle,' that filled the skeptical press of Europe, particularly that of Germany and Italy, were somewhat overdrawn. Three general principles were unanimously accepted by the delegates that a definite limit be placed on those land, sea, and air forces which can be employed immediately without mobilization; that the air limitation apply both to total horsepower and to number of planes; and that the amount each government spends on armaments be made public. The chief point of disagreement is whether the limitation of naval armaments shall apply to tonnage in gross or to each specific type of vessel separately. England and the United States advocate the latter, France and the Continental countries the former.

Two problems of possibly greater immediate moment to Europe than disarmament itself have Germany their focus in Germany. and her The first of these is the Neighbors

primarily economic question of reducing Germany's payment under the Dawes Agreement; the second is the evacuation of the Rhineland. Article 431 of the Treaty of Versailles reads: 'If before the expiration of the period of fifteen years [which will end in 1935] Germany complies with all the undertakings resulting from the present Treaty, the occupying forces will be withdrawn immediately.' Germany contends that she has complied with her Treaty engagements and that this Article therefore comes immediately into effect. France resists this contention, and wants special

compensation for immediate withdrawal. She would like to get a guaranty of the so-called Polish Corridor, but that is a concession which she can hardly expect Berlin to make. All Parties in France realize keenly that the time before her troops will have to evacuate the Rhineland in any case is growing short, and that it is not good policy to hang on for eight years longer if it can be well avoided. France's new military law, calling for the conscription in case of war of private wealth and of the nation's entire man, woman, and child power, has given a cue to the Germans, who see possibilities for their own country in a similar scheme devised to avoid violating the Versailles Treaty. The German Communist Party has received a blow in the resignation of Dr. Arthur Rosenberg, a prominent member of its parliamentary group, who refuses to be associated longer with a body controlled by the Third International. Dr. Rosenberg has been a lecturer in ancient history at the University of Berlin for the last thirteen years, and was one of the Party's leading intellectuals. His resignation, coupled with numerous other defections and expulsions, has deprived that organization of its ablest leaders, though without much observable effect upon the loyalty of the rank and file. The Prussian Government is trying to suppress secret, semimilitary societies. It recently ordered that the Viking and Olympia associations, which were suspected of plotting a coup d'état, be dissolved under the Defense of the Republic Act. Both associations appealed to the Supreme Court at Leipzig, which in petty sessions refused to uphold the order. The Prussian Government thereupon carried the appeal to the Full Court, and at the same time suppressed the societies under another law, enacted in March 1921, providing for the execu

tion of the Treaty of Versailles. The Full Court upheld the original order against the Viking society, but not against the Olympia association. Both, however, have now become illegal under the the Prussian Government's second order.

Austria's general election on April 24 resulted in unexpected gains for the Socialists, who were opposed by a union of all the bourgeois parties, headed by the Clerical Chancellor Seipel, and were expected to lose heavily at the polls. Instead of that, they have increased their strength in Parliament from sixtyeight to seventy-three members, and now come within twenty-two members of holding an absolute majority over all other parties combined. At the Vienna municipal election, which was held simultaneously and fought with equal or greater bitterness, the Socialist vote was increased by one hundred and fifteen thousand, but owing to the tactics of the Communists, who are quite as anti-Socialist as they are anti-capitalist, the Party's strength in the City Council remains the same as before, or seventy-eight out of a membership of one hundred and twenty. The intense interest felt in the election is indicated by the fact that nearly ninety-three per cent of the qualified voters in Vienna went to the polls, and, of the one million, one hundred and fifty-five thousand valid ballots cast, six hundred and ninety-four thousand went to the Social Democrats. The Party is laboring assiduously to make Vienna the most highly 'socialized' city in Europe. Among other things, it proposes to add to the sixtyfive thousand municipal tenements already erected another thirty thousand within the next five years. Independent handicraftsmen are granted cheap credits from the city's Central Saving Fund for trade purposes, and other measures conceived in the same

spirit have been adopted or are under contemplation. Journal de Genève be lieves that Vienna is being forced into municipal Socialism in order to survive. Unemployment and the commercial and industrial distress are grave evils in a great city so suddenly deprived of its tributary territories and former markets. Consequently the municipality has been forced to come to the rescue of its own people. No less than eighteen thousand children are fed at the public schools. Free hospitals and clinics, free baths and nurseries, and other welfare institutions, have been multiplied. While before the war the average worker's rent formed fourteen per cent of his budget, it now forms only two per cent. All this has been done at the cost of the richer taxpayers. Indeed, house property, owing to the high taxes and rent restriction, earns nothing for its owners, and is no longer accepted as security for loans.

and Russia

Pilsudski and the people now in power in Poland advocate expansion by federation. In other Poland words, they would form a federal state embracing the border countries, especially Lithuania, and possibly even the Ukraine, with Poland at the top of the pyramid, thus copying the tactics of modern Moscow in the territories of the old Russian Empire. Incidentally Poland, and, it is whispered, even Rumania, are said secretly to oppose a change of régime in Russia, fearing lest a restored monarchy, or even a bourgeoisie republic, might inaugurate an aggressive campaign to recover all the territories formerly belonging to Imperial Russia. Moscow's Communist masters have turned against their own masters, the overgrown bureaucracy. At the Eighth Soviet Congress, Rykov declared, to quote Ekonomicheskaia Zhizn of March 30: "The unhealthy symp

toms we observe in the relations of the Government with the people and of the cities with the country, our failure fully to satisfy the essential material requirements of the masses, and the lack of coördination in all our work, are largely the result of our overgrown civil service.' Already this year twenty million dollars has been saved by cutting off unnecessary public salaries, and one hundred and fifty million dollars is said to be the goal. Last April Russian and Balkan Communists held a Congress at Buyukderé, outside of Constantinople, preparatory to a more important meeting scheduled for Vienna late in May, at which followers of the faith from Western Europe will also be present. Rumor has it that the Russian Naphtha Syndicate acts as a sort of clearing house, and possibly as a financial agent, for Bolshevist propaganda in Eastern and Central Europe. That may be a canard circulated by the Syndicate's trade rivals for commercial purposes, but it seems certain that one of the Syndicate's leading employees took a prominent part in the Buyukderé proceedings.

Italy's dictatorship rests on a nominally broader popular basis than that of Russia, for in the latter country only about six hundred thousand out of a population of more than one hundred million belong to the dominant organization, while the total number of Fascisti enrolled in the Party or in societies directly related with it is reported to be well over two million. Mussolini's Labor Charter has been received with acquiescence. Its author describes it as 'the most hazardous, audacious, and therefore the most revolutionary,' reform which his Government has attempted. Most Americans will have difficulty in discovering the pertinence and practical purport of some of its paragraphs, such as the definition of the Italian nation as 'an

organism having ends of life and means of action superior in power to those of the single individuals occupying and forming it,' and may agree with the Nation and Athenæum that it is made up of 'ponderous platitudes which may well provoke a smile,' or with the New Statesman's characterization of it as an 'Hegelian whimsy.' Nevertheless, it embodies the constitution of a guild State where every man will be sorted willy-nilly in what the powersthat-be consider his appropriate pigeonhole. Employers and workers are grouped in compulsory corporations, where, for a nominally guaranteed living, they are forced to surrender all rights to individual self-direction. Presumably the law will be amended from time to time to accommodate its provisions to practical exigencies, but the central idea of extreme state regulation upon which it is based promises to survive as long as the Fascist régime. The adoption of the Charter has been followed by a government order reducing wages ten per cent. It is also proposed to reduce profits, though possibly more tenderly. These energetic measures are designed to force down the cost of living and costs of production, to correspond with the rising value of the lira in foreign exchange. A bill now before Parliament makes it obligatory for every Italian citizen to obtain official permission before accepting a position in the service of any foreign government or international institution, under penalty of imprisonment and loss of citizenship. The announcement of this projected legislation caused a sensation at Geneva, where it is felt that the law will coerce Italian officers and employees of the League into defending specific Italian interests and will effectually keep them from considering international problems with cosmopolitan impartiality.

in Greece

The failure of the Greek Parliament to ratify the new Constitution before Easter finally caused AdGoings-on miral Kondouriotis, the most recent President of that versatile republic, to resign in a huff. His countrymen were were forewarned that they would be deprived of his services if their representatives did not approve of the latest version of the Constitution, and they have only themselves to thank if the stage is now set either for a military coup d'état or for a return of the wily Venizelos. This astute old gentleman happened to be passing through Piræus on the very day that the Admiral was tendering his resignation, but he refused to see any of the newspaper men and politicians who besieged the ship on which he was receiving his daughter. Venizelos announced that he plans to spend the summer at his ancestral home in Crete, but he refused to say a word about politics. The general opinion is that he will not return unless the nation is threatened with complete dissolution. At present a strong hand is needed, but Venizelos seems to fancy almost any other than his own at the helm.

The Manchester Guardian prints the following excerpt from a letter written by an Albanian whose name is concealed for reasons of state. The letter itself had to be smuggled out of the country: 'In the districts of Dukagini, Puka, and Nikaj e Merturi more than half the houses have been burned down. All the cattle and movable goods of these regions have been transported to Dibra. The people are being victimized in an atrocious manner not only able-bodied men, but old men, women, and children. The mercenaries have even stolen the clothes of the men and women, often leaving them almost naked. Corn and other foodstuffs no longer exist for the peasants. Many of

them are dying of hunger. Those who were able have saved themselves in the mountains of Yugoslavia. Plava, Gussinje, and Podgoritza are full of refugees.

King Alfonso received an embarrassing rebuff when his nomination as doctor honoris causa and Rector of the University of Madrid was opposed by a group of prominent professors, who, at the meeting where the election was discussed, courageously criticized him for allowing the Directory to persecute great intellectual figures like Professor Miguel de Unamuno. Although the objectors were outvoted by forty to sixteen, with sixty abstentions, the incident made such a stir that it amounted almost to a public condemnation of the monarch. General Primo de Rivera has returned from Morocco, whither he was called by a new outbreak in the Rif. Marshal Franchet d'Esprey likewise felt it incumbent to visit the French Morocco zone. The military situation is reported to have cleared up with the weather, which has permitted reënforcements to be sent into what was earlier in the spring almost impassable mountain country.

Adly Pasha, who became Premier of Egypt a year ago, largely through the efforts of the British Government, which did not want Zaghlul Pasha, the ardent independence champion, at the head of things, recently turned over his office to his former Finance Minister, Sarwat Pasha. Simultaneously the Cabinet was reconstructed, largely by shifting portfolios among the existing members. Adly Pasha resigned as the result of an adverse vote on an unimportant measure in the overwhelmingly Zaghlulist Chamber of Deputies, but his action was really due to dissensions inside the Cabinet, which represents a coalition of the Wafd, or extreme Nationalists, with Liberals and other moderates.

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