to the Northern soldiers by advising them where the best loot was to be obtained, and were said - very likely truthfully to have themselves appropriated and stored in their premises some of the stolen property. At seven in the evening the shop was raided and the two culprits were dragged out and taken to the square in front of the railway station for 'public execution' in most horrible fashion. The implements employed were the heavy cleaverlike knives used in the baker's trade, taken from their own shop. With these they were gashed across the limbs until no longer able to stand, and when they had sunk to the ground their heads were hacked off. After the killing the entire contents of the shop were piled up on the same spot and burned.

It seemed probable that these two victims of popular wrath deserved punishment, but other incidents suggested the possibility of hideous mistakes being made by these enthusiastic patriots which might result in the death of perfectly law-abiding and innocent citizens of either Northern or Southern persuasion.

A Japanese was stopped on the street as a Northern suspect, and when he replied to questions asked in Mandarin it was apparently taken as certain proof of guilt, and it looked as though he might be bayoneted out of hand. Fortunately he had both the agility and the strength to get a grip on the guns of the only two armed persons among his assailants and to hold them off until, in rapid speech, he was able to persuade them at least to examine his card of identification before committing any foolish extremity. When this was produced, and established not only his Japanese nationality but also the fact that he was a foreign official, the mistake was admitted and he was allowed to proceed.

In another instance a respectable citizen of means who had formerly held a post in the army had apparently been denounced as a Northern militarist. When challenged with the crime he foolishly bolted into his house, gained the roof, and attempted flight across the roofs of the adjacent houses, à la Bill Sykes. The hue and cry was taken up; he was soon captured, and was receiving a preliminary hammering by the first few who could lay hands on him, when his son, who had quickly taken in the situation and joined in the forefront of the chase, interfered and was able to restrain the gathering people long enough to explain that his father was a Hangchow citizen from Anhwei who had held no official position of any sort for the past two years, while he himself was at the time in the employ of the 'Nationalist Government.' The explanation and the establishment of his certain identity sufficed to save his father's life, but there was grave cause for anxiety that all similar cases of impetuous mob enthusiasm might not end so fortunately.

For the fact that many sad and regrettable tragedies were not enacted thanks may have been chiefly due to the continuous rainy weather, which settled down to regular business in a chilling and steady drizzle just when excitement was at its highest, and continued to keep the spirits of the more fiery patriots in a healthy state of dampness and discouragement until the first wave of popular enthusiasm had passed and things had somewhat settled down, with the newly appointed authorities and the civil and military police in effective control.

At the same time it must be said that those in the Southern advance units responsible for maintaining order and officially establishing the new régime in occupied territory gave evi


dence of considerable and efficient organization. The military 'Department of Civil Administration,' which accompanies every army of occupation, established headquarters immediately after setting foot in the city and plunged straightway into the business of organizing a new local government for administering civil affairs in accordance with the system laid down for municipalities under the control of the Nationalist Army. It at once appointed Mr. Tsu Yi-tah, a Fukienese citizen of Hangchow, provisional civil magistrate, and appointed provisional heads of the various departments, at the same time retaining certain of the under officials of the previous administration in advisory positions; and posters announcing to the people what steps had been and were to be taken, and calling on all to go about their affairs as usual, were put up all over the city.

On the morning of the twentieth the new officials had already taken up their duties at the various departmental headquarters; administrative affairs were apparently running quite smoothly, while a newly organized police force, supplemented by military patrols on police duty, were posted about the city, and apprehension of further immediate mob violence was quieted.

At the same time on the twentieth there were also the first indications that the radical propagandists were getting busy. More elaborate posters, printed in colors, and apparently brought along with the troops, began to adorn the street-sides, and these set forth particularized ideals of Bolshevism in pictorial form illustrating 'the wrongs suffered by the common people' at the hands of the 'wealthy gentry' and 'military imperialists,' and extolled the 'Nationalist Government' as the savior of the country.

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Many of the posters attacked individual persons and classes as enemies of the people, in the form of standard slogans, such as 'Exterminate the Rotten Gentry,' 'Death to Chang Chung-chang and Sun Chuan-fang,' 'Down with Imperialism,' 'Chang Tso-lin has committed violence against the eternal security of the State by attempting to restore the Manchu Dynasty.' Others were appeals to the common people to rise and assert their rights by supporting the 'Nationalist Army,' as: 'Fight for equality,' 'Let us all join the national cause,' 'Let us organize farmers' associations and unions of students and laborers,' 'Whoever attacks the liberty of the people is the enemy of the National Army our orders are to destroy them,' 'It is our determination to avenge our martyred dead.'

Nor were attacks on foreigners and Christianity wanting, as, for instance, 'Down with British Imperialism,' 'Sun Chuan-fang is a running dog of British imperialism, and has obtained ten million dollars from the British Government to crush all labor unions in Kiangsu,' 'Jesus Christ is dead; why not worship something alive, such as Nationalism?' and 'Mission schools are the breeding places of the running dogs of Imperialism.'

New handbills also appeared and were distributed all over the city to spread propaganda of the same sort at greater length; and many of these were made up of arguments with a special appeal to particular classes. A fair example was one addressed to 'All Underofficers of the Northern Armies,' as follows: 'Brothers, you have been betrayed and, pressed by poverty, lured into lending your services to enrich officials while receiving no pay yourselves. Taxes fill our coffers, and we pay for all services rendered to us. Our soldiers' hearts are united and they

are brave. Our officers are kind, and our treatment is equal to all alike. Our aim is the Three Principles, and our background the common people. We are under the pure white sun in the blue sky. Does Sun Chuan-fang offer anything like this?'

During this time there were daily arrivals of more Southern troops. On the twentieth it was claimed that the first, second, twenty-first and twentysixth divisions had already entered the city, and at the same time General Pah Dsong-hsi reached the city and took over command from General Sih Hoh of the first division, which had been the right wing of the advance and had reached the city first. It was said that the centre of the advance was made up of the second and twenty-first divisions, while General Chao Feng-chi's new twenty-sixth division had covered the right wing. Troops were quartered in public buildings all over the city, and to all appearances law and order had been completely established.

But there was also daily an increase in labor parades and demonstrations and reported organizations of strikes, as also an intensification of radical propaganda, inciting the people to rise and to assert themselves. General Pah Dsong-hsi himself was apparently against disorder of any sort, and assured Christian institutions that full protection would be afforded to everyone except those who were openly

active against Southern interests. He also, as I have later found out, commissioned Mr. Hu Hsin-fu, one of the officials who had stuck to his post and whose services in the Foreign Office had been retained, to approach all foreigners individually and assure them that their lives and property were perfectly safe.

But apparently General Pah had no authority over the department for the dissemination of Bolshevist propaganda. He obviously was unable to interfere to suppress dangerously inflammatory literature or the demonstrations of the various unions and strikes that were being organized, and there were still grounds for anxiety that the people who were being aroused might get out of hand and repeat in Hangchow what had taken place in other places occupied by the 'Nationalists.'

It would seem, whatever might be the wish of individual Chinese leaders of the Southern army, that, having accepted Russian assistance to further their aims, they must also accept Russian methods of demonstrating the achievement of liberty and freedom for all. The recent reports of the outrages committed at the Church Missionary Society Hospital would seem to indicate that there is grave danger of yet another demonstration of the fact that life or property is never safe where Russian-subsidized, Cantonese 'Nationalism' sets its heel.



THE pale winter sun has just disappeared behind the heights of Buda in a sky of rose and mauve, and its last reflections are lingering on the windows of the former Imperial Palace that dominates Pest. The waters of the Danube are plum-colored. A few gulls fly swiftly past, while the lights on the hillside look like illuminations in an amphitheatre. A boat slowly plies its way against the current.

For three days we have been in Hungary. We came here with the memory of counterfeit bank notes still active in our minds. Yet the Hungarians never seemed more amiable, more attractive, and more thorough masters of the grand manner. They are indeed a refined and cultivated people. "The counterfeit francs? Pacotillethe work of a few fools. French culture has never been more popular here.'

Before nightfall we were thinking over all the fine declarations people had made to us and were hearing again in our minds the vigorous protests against the 'iniquitous treatment' inflicted on Hungary since the war. 'You took a chance,' we said to them. 'You played your money on the wrong horse, and it's only fair that you should pay your debt.' The fine old man with the white beard to whom we were talking this morning was a lofty magnate. He repeated to us, as all his compatriots did: 'You know, Monsieur, about Alsace-Lorraine. Well, Hungary will never accept the injustice that has

1 From L'Echo de Paris (Clerical daily), December 22 and 24

been inflicted upon her, though she has to wait for generations.'

Seeing Budapest again after a few years, our first impression was one of profound astonishment. We witnessed the economic revival of Germany, but the transformation here is even more remarkable.

We remembered the Hungary that we had known at the time of the Bolshevist revolution. The White Terror followed on the heels of the Red, and who knows how many imprudent Jews tried to cross one of the bridges on the Danube without ever attaining the opposite side? The waters of this river have flowed over more than one rapid drama in recent years. The Hungarian Nationalists pretended to administer justice, and they held all the former partisans of Bela Kun responsible for the economic crisis that laid the country low.

Peace has now returned; the whole situation is greatly improved. This does not, however, mean that abuses cannot still be found. Physical punishment is inflicted in a discreet manner by a brutal police force. The press is censored within an inch of its life. Long prison terms and fines await anyone who tries to speak freely. Thus the Government holds public opinion in the hollow of its hand. We were told that the Hungarian people did not know that France took the bank-note scandal seriously. The publication of articles from foreign papers unfavorable to the Hungarian Government is forbidden.

Its economic crisis passed, Budapest to-day enjoys a luxury that one finds in few other capitals. The windowdisplays in some of the streets rival those of the Rue de la Paix in Paris. Well-clothed policemen imposingly regulate a heavy traffic of fine automobiles and handsome carriages.

The krone has been established for two years, and the new money, the pengoe, is backed by a gold reserve of sixty per cent. Capitalists who fled to foreign countries have returned.

It is therefore not astonishing that the Hungarians are now able to devote themselves to preparing for the future and claiming restitution for damages they have recently suffered. German Nationalists look like schoolboys compared with these Magyar patriots, who are animated with a truly mystical fervor. The whole nation is united on this one issue, and its spontaneity is not without an element of grandeur. No one can forget the 'iniquity.' Shop windows, street cars, and railway carriages are plastered with maps showing the boundaries of pre-war Hungary. In the middle of this map is a little circle representing the new frontiers, which enclose scarcely a third of the former territory. Underneath, letters of fire proclaim 'No! Never!'

The Treaty of Trianon has fixed the Hungarian army at thirty-five thousand men, including officers and standing troops. The number of officers is to be five per cent, and of noncommissioned officers fifteen per cent, of the total. The number of machine guns cannot exceed five hundred and twentyfive. The number of light artillery is kept down to a hundred and forty.

These troops are admirably trained and perfectly equipped. Every day the relief of the guard before Admiral Horthy's palace is executed with a gusto that delights a crowd of enthusiastic beholders, who are well

versed in this picturesque and patriotic ceremony.

Do these military preparations among the youth and this wild nationalism forebode adventurous designs? Will the spectacle of her neighbors' economic difficulties tempt Hungary to embark upon some rash course of action?

The recent elections have oriented the politics of the country. The Opposition had only to exploit the bank-note scandal to be assured of defeat. Even men like Count Andrassy, who sat in Parliament for forty years, have been beaten. The Socialist minority was annihilated. Count Bethlen, whose success was so imposing, is a Transylvanian. In other words, he is the type of man whom the Treaty of Trianon cuts to the quick. He is therefore not likely to frown upon any of his compatriots who are looking for trouble in this quarter, but everything leads one to believe that he will try to gain his ends by more temperate methods.

It is not enough to be full of revenge and bitter protest; actual possibilities must also be taken into account. With her present armed forces Hungary can attempt very little. She must confine herself to arranging to intervene on the winning side in a conflict between two other Powers. Furthermore, Budapest is only a few minutes by airplane from the Czechoslovak frontier, and could be wiped out in a few days.

Count Bethlen's policy will therefore be one of watchful waiting and opportunism. This has been the tone of his recent speeches. Hungary is preparing herself and will be ready for all eventualities. Any wind is a fair wind that will help repair the iniquity she has suffered.

The German method of treaty evasion has proved itself effective, and Hungary is therefore likely to follow in the footsteps of Stresemann. The problems of the two countries are in

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