blessed with the unique and sovereign attribute of sea power should, throughout the whole of the Great War, have failed so utterly to turn it to offensive profit.

On the vexed question of the shortage of man power in France when the German blow fell in March 1918, Mr. Churchill tells us that up to December the military authorities were still full of offensive plans for the spring. Then 'a sudden sinister impression was sustained by the General Staff. The cry for a fresh offensive died away. The mood swung round to pure defense — and against heavy odds. It was a revolution at once silent and complete. I responded to it with instant relief. The War Cabinet, however. . . did not readily conform to the military volteface, and were skeptical of tales so utterly at variance with those of a few weeks before. I urged' the memorandum is given that the Cabinet should send all the men that were needed to reconstitute the Army, and should, at the same time, forbid absolutely any resumption of the offensive. The Prime Minister, however, did not feel that, if the troops were once in France, he would be able to resist those military pressures for an offensive which had so often overborne the wiser judgment of statesmen. He therefore held... to a different policy. He sanctioned only a moderate reënforcement of the Army, while . . . gathering in England the largest possible numbers of reserves.'

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Severe as are his earlier criticisms, Mr. Churchill does ample justice and pays eloquent tribute to Haig as man and as leader in the crisis, and in the final advance to victory. Between Foch and Haig he strikes a just balance, and appreciates how, in the last phase, Haig at times perceived the trend of events and the right course sooner than either Foch or the British Cabinet. 'Both these illustrious soldiers had

year after year conducted with obstinacy and serene confidence offensives which we now know to have been as hopeless as they were disastrous. But the conditions had now changed. Both were now provided with offensive weapons which the military science of neither would have conceived.' In addition, Ludendorff, playing for high stakes, had bankrupted Germany, whereas the 'swift and ceaseless inflow of the Americans turned the balance of man power heavily in favor of the Allies.' 'Thus both Haig and Foch were vindicated in the end. They were throughout consistently true to their professional theories, and when, in the fifth campaign of the war, the facts began, for the first time, to fit the theories, they reaped their just reward.' It is a discerning verdict, which military history is likely to endorse.

The book's conclusion maintains the high level of the whole, combining an original suggestion, a generous but balanced tribute to the foe, and a lofty appeal.

The German people are worthy of better explanations than the shallow tale that they were undermined by enemy propaganda. If the propaganda was effective, it was because it awoke an echo in German hearts, and stirred misgivings which from the beginning had dwelt there. Thus, when four years of blockade and battle... had sapped the vitality of the German people, the rebellious whispers of conscience became the proclaimed opinion of millions. . . . For four years Germany fought and defied the five continents of the world by land and sea and air . . . and nearly 20,000,000 men perished or shed their blood before the sword was wrested from that terrible hand. Surely, Germans, for history it is enough!

Is this the end? Is it to be merely a

chapter in a cruel and senseless story? ...

Or will there spring from the very fires of conflict that reconciliation of the three giant combatants which would unite their genius and secure to each in safety and freedom a share in rebuilding the glory of Europe?



THIS is the fifth year of the new era in Italy, and all official documents are dated 'Anno V.'

The Socialists and Communists, who came near to plunging the country into civil strife after the war, and possibly establishing a Soviet, have been run to earth. Old laws have been kicked into the discard, and the Prime Minister is fertile in devising new schemes of patriotism, national economies, industrial progress, and moral conduct. Mussolini decrees, Parliament accepts, the people obey.

Personal liberty has been abolished, and democracy declared to be out of date. Espionage, which weaves through all classes of society, hampers conversation.

There is no question, however, that in a hundred ways Italy has made a tremendous revolution, is now better governed, and that all classes are working. There is practically no unemployment. Great public works are in full swing. The Budget deficit has been turned into a surplus. There is a stern stability in national affairs.

Mussolini told the Italians they needed discipline. They have agreed, and are getting plenty of it. When I have said to Italians that Fascism is contrary to the most enlightened doctrines of democracy, they answer, 'Maybe, but compare the industrial condition of this country with your own.'

It is novel to be in a country where

1 From the Sunday Times (London pro-French Sunday paper), March 6

there are neither strikes nor lockouts. It is strange to hear of thousands of deadheads and unnecessary employees being cleared out of government departments and off the railways, and to find the public service improved. It is refreshing to be told that Fascism, which is a mode of life,' has developed a sense of duty and brotherhood between workers and employers.

Other countries will watch with peculiar interest the experiments Mussolini has started to prevent industry continuing to be the cruel sport of conflicting interests by making it part of the machinery of State, and replacing the vote of the mob with a Council containing a balanced representation of all active forces in the country. In one of his heroic orations Mussolini declared: 'I do not worship the new divinity, the masses.' He has repudiated the 'myth' that because the masses are numerous they must be right.

'Syndicalism' is a nasty-sounding word in British ears. It arouses visions of hordes of infuriated men seizing factories, throwing out the employers, and running the places for their own benefit, but failing. In the bad days following the war, when Italy, torn, disillusioned, incompetently governed, was reeling toward anarchy, something like that happened in manufacturing areas. Yet Mussolini has adopted the word, and the great experiment of National Syndicalism has been started.

The law is that there must be no strikes under any pretext whatever. Trade-unions, disturbing the welfare of

the nation to obtain what they want, are prohibited. It is not the demands of the workers that Mussolini is against, but the methods formerly practised.

Nor will he permit lockouts. He holds that the nation consists of all the people, that for their material and spiritual welfare they must be taught coöperation, that it is madness to have civil war during the industrial crisis of the world. Italy is a crowded country, and if there is to be economic salvation there must be increased production. Whether we approve his methods or not, Italy has turned her face toward prosperity since Mussolini took charge. In a population of forty millions there are fewer than one hundred thousand out of work.

When Mussolini announced his scheme of syndicalizing industry for the benefit of the nation, his critics said: 'Your syndicalism will end in every way like that of the Socialists, and you will have of necessity to promote class war.' And Mussolini's reply was that the effect would be precisely the contrary. That we have to see.

Councils have been established of workers and employers and an independent nominee of the Government to consider trade differences. Private enterprise is encouraged as a necessary incentive, but in disputes all cards must be on the table, so that the men may know exactly the economic situation. The two sides must meet in conference; there can be no lightning strikes, no downing of tools, no threat that if one side does not have its desire trade will be disorganized and other workers, to give a helping hand in discommoding the public, become idle as a sign of sympathy. When a collective agreement has been made, the law is to descend with a heavy fist on the party which breaks the contract.

Syndicalism outside Italy has meant the conquering of economic interests

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All categories of people sional men, municipal employees, post office, telegraph, and tramway workers, and all grades on the railways-are speedily being organized. Within the next few months it is not likely that any man, professional, manufacturer, or simple workman, will be outside the syndicate that deals with his position in life.

It is just as though in England all manufacturers' associations and all trade-unions were abolished, and under order of the Government every man in every trade, no matter what his rank, was compelled to be a member of his trade or professional syndicate. It is not at all necessary to be a Fascist to belong to the syndicate, though I learn there is a certain amount of persuasion so that everybody does. It is to be noted that a number of men, formerly ardent Socialists, have become enthusiastic champions for the new syndicalism.

I have explained that collective agreements have the sanctity of law. But disputes between capital and labor are inevitable. So special courts are established, called the 'Magistracy of Labor,' consisting of three judges of the Court of Appeal with two expert advisers, specialists on the particular industry or matter in dispute. These courts are commanded, when arriving at their decision, not to consider the interests of the syndicate or syndicates first, but to keep in the forefront of their thought the benefit to the nation collectively.

This Magistracy of Labor is the final court of arbitration. There is no appeal from its decision. During a dispute there must be continuity of production. Lockouts or strikes are crimes, and, while the penalties are graded, they are especially severe if the strike is in any public service or services of utility. Further, no employer can give notice of reduction of wages without consent of the employed and approval of the syndicate. Thus the law, the State, is greater than any section of the community, and, through the syndicates, all workers are part of the State. That is the new syndicalism.

Parliamentary representative government, as we understand it in England, has been destroyed. Long before Mussolini came on the scene it had fallen under the contempt of the people of Italy. It was inefficient and corrupt; it was a party game with spoils to the victors. What gave Mussolini his superb opportunity, when seven years ago the Reds were starting a reign of terror, was that the Government, or rather succession of Governments, was impotent except in tremulously yielding to the bullying demands of the Communists. No tears were shed by the general population when Mussolini declared that so far as Italy was concerned democratic government was

a failure. It was flabby; it talked too much; it was sectional grabbing with no thought of the State. What Italy needed was a national conscience, a purification of its soul, and discipline!

He is creating a new form of parliament called the Ministry of Corporations. Definite details of this daring social turnover are still in the mould; but the principles are clear.

This Ministry is an outgrowth of the syndicalist idea. It is quality of expressed thought and not the shout of the crowd that is going to count. So all businesses, all trades, all professions, all who contribute materially or intellectually to the country's welfare, form themselves into guilds, and out of them will grow a National Council of Corporations, very much on the pattern, I gather, of the English Trades-Union Council, except that in Italy it will be representative of every class that is contributing to the well-being of the State.

This Council is composed of the Minister of Corporations, who presides, an Undersecretary, the DirectorGeneral of Labor of the Ministry of National Economy, a representative of each of the other Ministries, two representatives of each of the national syndical confederations, a representative of each of the general confederations of employers and workers, and a representative of the National Foundation for Maternity and Infancy.

No Italian need belong to a guild unless he wants to, just as it is not compulsory for an Englishman to belong to his trade-union; but if he does not, it is made uncomfortable for him. No doubt millions of Italians have joined the Fascist movement for precisely the same reason. Anyway, within the range of the Ministry of Corporations Mussolini looks to getting the sound, sane opinions of Italians expressed coöperatively. It is the State which is

speaking. So, according to a Government memorandum which lies before me, 'syndicalism is an unsuppressible phenomenon of contemporary society, a gigantic, vertical trust of labor.'

High officials with whom I have conversed, and in close touch with Mussolini, have a sort of tensioned nervous confidence about this new and complicated machine by which the Government may be well informed of 'Public Right.' No class of the community is to get advantage over another; only the State is to be benefited. There can be no war between the classes.

While the Magistracy of Labor provides for compulsory arbitration, neither the guilds, which have important administrative duties imposed upon them, nor the National Council of Corporations, nor the Ministry of Corporations intended to take the place of Parliament have any parliamentary powers in the British sense. There is intended to be structural harmony in

the Fascist legislative edifice, but Fascism, as Mussolini said recently, is 'rigidly and ferociously unitarian.' In many of his speeches the Prime Minister has glorified the strong men in history who have acted on the impulse of their own consciences. All power in Italy rests ultimately and unquestionably with Mussolini. There is an atmosphere of infallibility in Rome.

Mussolini is above the people; his position is not dependent on any vote in Parliament. The King makes him Prime Minister, and until the King unmakes him he remains Prime Minister. Mussolini, therefore, is Prime Minister for life for life indeed, as he holds seven portfolios in the Government, he is the Government. What is going to be the end of his supreme and almost superb autocracy nobody dare guess - but many serious minded Italians are getting nervous. Most Italians, however, are proud in the belief that Mussolini is the savior of their country.



UNDER a sky black as India ink fiery rockets are bursting - purple, red, orange, yellow, and violet. Nightly demonstrations and meetings are being celebrated to commemorate the ninth anniversary of the Red October. From the harbor and outlying districts march the young workers, under blazing torches and behind flapping flags.

The capital of Russia broke the 1 From Die Rote Fahne (Berlin official Communist daily), February 6

chains of international slavery and international oppression nine years ago in October, and the workers of Canton are observing this anniversary. The main square of the great city, flooded with a sea of lights, reverberates to battle cries and metallic shouts. From a scaffold decorated with purple, red, and green flags that glow in the torchlight a high, nasal voice can be heard announcing the following holiday message: "Tsin Chu will speak the word.

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