nitely favored the revolution, and proof of this was what happened at Bluff and at Bluefields, where American marines intervened in favor of the Conservatives. The revolution won. Estrada entered Managua as Provisional President. Thereupon intrigues started among the Conservatives themselves, and on the eighth of May, 1912, Estrada put his Minister of War, Mena, into prison. On the following day, through the influence of the North American Minister, Mena was released, and Estrada was forced to turn over his office to Adolfo Díaz, who promptly reappointed Mena Minister of War.

The National Assembly then convened and appointed General Mena President, to take possession of his office the following year. Adolfo Díaz, influenced by Emiliano Chamorro, tried to imprison Mena. The latter escaped from Managua and took up arms.

Another revolution started. All the Liberals flocked to Mena's standard, and they were on the verge of winning a victory when President Adolfo Díaz, seeing that all was lost, asked through his Minister of Foreign Relations, Don Diego Manuel Chamorro, the armed intervention of the United States.

American marines fought the Liberals at Masaya, Chichigalpa, León, and Chinandega. The revolution was crushed. Adolfo Díaz kept the Presidency.

Later, when the elections were held, Díaz won, and Emiliano Chamorro went to Washington as Minister.

North American Minister, Mr. Jefferson, intervened by imposing humiliating conditions upon the Liberals if they went to the ballot box. Thereupon the latter boycotted the election. Díaz was forced to throw overboard his candidate, Carlos Cuadra Pasos, and Chamorro was elected.

In the election for the term from 1921 to 1924 Don Manuel Chamorro, who likewise came back from Washington and had already solicited foreign intervention, won the election through fraud and through Yankee influence. Two years after he took office he died of alcoholic pneumonia. The Chamorro clan, considering that the Vice-President, Don Bartolomé Martínez, was their enemy, tried to substitute the Minister of State, Don Rosendo Chamorro, for President, but failed in the attempt.

The Liberals nominated Solórzano and Sacasa as their candidates for President and Vice-President for the term from 1925 to 1928, while the Conservatives put up Emiliano Chamorro. Don Carlos Solórzano was elected and formed a coalition government, and was induced by family ties to give the Chamorro clan the best military appointments in the republic. This enabled Chamorro to overthrow the Government by a barracks coup on October 27, 1925. Emiliano Chamorro was now President in fact, and Solórzano merely a decorative figurehead.

office over to him on the sixteenth of January of the present year.

Before assuming the Presidency Chamorro hunted for some way of getting rid of Vice-President Sacasa, who was legally entitled to succeed Solórzano when the latter resigned. He wanted to give a constitutional appearance to his usurpation. Sacasa fled from the country, whereupon the packed Chamorro Assembly proceeded to impeach him on trumped-up charges.

This is the record of political events in Nicaragua during the last sixteen years. It is also a record of the intervention of the United States in the internal affairs of that sister republic.

The conflict continues. Nothing has been settled. The conferences at Corinto have decided nothing. The United States has refused to arbitrate the dispute. Its Government knows why, and we likewise it is interested in backing Chamorro.

The Washington pacts were designed primarily to preserve peace in Central America. Their second article is clear and precise. If it is applied, Chamorro's position is impossible. The United States has declared that it will not recognize him, and nevertheless it permits the Conservative Party, which is the one that has overthrown the Constitution, to give a factitious appearance of legality to its acts. Fine business!

What the Chamorro partisans want is to legalize their seizure of power. That is the whole issue.

The United States has refused to arbitrate the difficulty because it does not suit its purposes perhaps be cause of what other nations would say - to endorse the Conservative régime, which every honest man in Central America recognizes as unconstitutional. Legally Doctor Sacasa is President.

WE had occasion to refer not long ago to a complaint against our country, presented to the League of Nations by Emiliano Chamorro, self-appointed dictator of Nicaragua; and also to a note of protest which Chamorro's Foreign Office sent to our Secretary of State denouncing the aid that Mexico was supposed to be giving to Nicaraguan 'rebels.' We pointed out then that those accusations were merely a political manœuvre to strengthen the régime that had been set up in Nicaragua against the will of her people, and that

4 From El Universal (Mexican Independent daily), November 20

the references contained in those notes to the patriotism and dignity of the weaker nations sounded hollow on the lips of Chamorro, whose whole public life has been devoted to alienating the sovereignty and the independence of his own country to the United States, in return for that nation's assistance in keeping him in power against the wishes of his fellow citizens.

Our statements at that time have been amply confirmed by subsequent events. Chamorro has at last succeeded, by a series of unworthy manœuvres, in again gaining the support of the North American Government. He

has submitted to all kinds of conditions, including turning over the Presidency to Adolfo Díaz, an accomplice who is universally known to be a servile tool of Yankee policy. After this farcical gesture, which deceives no one on our continent, in order to give the new Government the appearance of legality he has obtained from the White House the recognition he desired. The moment he secured it, he begged as a favor that the soldiers of the United States violate once more the territory of Nicaragua, regardless of the fact that, should occasion arise, they would necessarily use their weapons against his own fellow countrymen.

Mexico would have no interest in all this slimy business, beyond condemning it as shameful and unworthy the dignity of the Latin-American race, if Chamorro and Díaz had not tried to defile the honor of our own country to justify this last episode in their treasonable careers. In order to make it easier for the White House to reverse its policy,- for, when Chamorro turned out President Solórzano by a barracks revolution, Washington promptly condemned his action, despite his eager efforts to curry Yankee favor, the Chamorro-Díaz combination has utterly distorted the character of the revolution in Nicaragua by trying to represent it as an effort of our Government to set up a Communist régime in that country. What is actually a popular uprising against Chamorro's dictatorial ambitions, and a vigorous effort to assert the political will of the nation, has thus been twisted into an unwarranted attempt of the Mexican Government to meddle in the domestic affairs of another country.

Those are the facts. Two things make them significant for Mexico. In the first place, they expose the moral depravity of two traitors who have shrunk from nothing in order to usurp

the government of Nicaragua - even appealing to the White House to help them enslave their country, and inviting foreign soldiers to march to their aid, if need be over the bodies of their own slaughtered countrymen. In the second place, they bring to our attention the attitude assumed by the United States Government toward the perfidious slanders of the Chamorro-Díaz combination against our country.

At the present moment the latter feature of the situation is the more important for us. Emiliano Chamorro and Adolfo Díaz may be as unpatriotic and detestable as they wish - that gives us no right except to despise them and to hope that their fellow citizens will punish them as they deserve for their crimes against their country and their race. But we cannot tolerate without protest the rôle of continental policeman that the United States assumes when it calls our country to task for alleged intervention in Nicaragua. It is both inconsistent and irritating for the North American Government, which incited the Nicaraguan revolution of 1910 against President Zelaya, which used Adolfo Díaz as its tool to impose on that little republic a humiliating and unfair treaty, which employed its armed forces in 1912 to keep the people of Nicaragua from shaking off the disgraceful yoke thus imposed upon them, to presume to pass judgment on Mexico because a clique of denationalized Nicaraguan politicians accuse country of favoring a revolution which threatens to exterminate them.

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In 1911 the American Minister in Nicaragua cabled to Secretary Knox that the real feeling of a majority of the people of Nicaragua was hostile to the United States, and that even some members of Estrada's Cabinet, which had been put in power by the White

House, suspected, if they did not utterly mistrust, his country's intentions.

Notwithstanding this sentiment of the people of Nicaragua, officially admitted by a diplomat of the United States, the authorities at Washington continued to support the Díaz-Chamorro-Estrada Government from 1911 to 1925, when, the real will of the people having accidentally been allowed to manifest itself, the Chamorro interventionist group was temporarily thrown out of office. And the Government which has done all this imagines it can hold up its hands in holy horror at a mere gratuitous suspicion that a country which is far better entitled than it is, by ties of history and blood, to feel concern in Nicaragua's welfare should exhibit interest in what is occurring there!

It is difficult to discover the slightest shadow of a reason for the protest of the United States in this instance. It is one thing to protect North American interests in Nicaragua, and an entirely different thing to ally one's self with a spurious government in order to impose it upon the people of Nicaragua against their will. So far as inciting revolutions and profiting by them is concerned, the United States is not in a position to throw stones, for it lives in a glass house. Furthermore, the Monroe Doctrine, which contemplates the intervention of America in the international politics of the continent when they are affected by the action of non-American Powers, does not extend to giving the Washington Government, alone among all the governments of America, an exclusive right to act with a free hand in matters affecting the domestic policies of the Spanish-American republics.

President Wilson, in the famous address which he delivered in 1918 to a group of Mexican journalists, alluded to the oppressive aspects of the Monroe Doctrine for the Latin-American nations in so far as it places them under a tutelage which they have not voluntarily accepted, far less requested. He pointed out the desirability of substituting for this Doctrine some compact for continental coöperation freely entered into by the interested parties. But these fine ideas have had no practical effect upon the policy of his country. Rather, the Monroe Doctrine has been made more exigent and arbitrary by the Washington Government's assumption of the rôle of international policeman, divinely appointed to supervise the conduct of the Spanish-speaking nations of the Western Hemisphere.

The action of the White House in this last instance is intolerable from whatever point of view we regard it. Washington has arrogated to itself a right, based entirely on brute force, to determine the destinies of the people of Nicaragua as it thinks best, without consulting the wishes of a majority of that nation. It further arrogates to itself the right to lecture Mexico, thereby violating all the canons of international courtesy, as well as the principles of that international law to which it so often appeals, only to disregard them whenever its own interests are at stake.

Therefore, for the single offense of international meddling of which the United States unjustly accuses us, it is itself patently guilty of two. 'And why beholdest thou the mote that is in thy brother's eye, but considerest not the beam that is in thine own eye?'

KRUPP-a monosyllable hollow as the sound of a mallet stroke. Surely the very name was forged in the Essen foundries before it flew over the world on wings of fame and on the echoes of

cannon.

Unlike other trades, the Schwerindustrie boasts no ancient names. None of its terms antecedes the advent of the steam engine. It has other advantages. With its history of a bare hundred years, the house of Krupp already stands at the head of the Almanach de Gotha of industrial aristocracy. It wants to hold its place, to resist as long as possible the American-bred tendency to combine into trusts. Therefore, while other steel giants obey centripetal forces and form a Steel Cartel, the house of Krupp, with admirable pride, remains wrapped in its tradition of independence, and on the eighth of October observed the centenary of the death of its founder, Friedrich Krupp.

He was not, however, the maker of the Krupp fortune. This great accomplishment was the work of his son Alfred, the head of the firm for sixty years, who made his father's enterprise the largest of its kind in the world. Friedrich, however, was the initiator, and his name still adorns the banner which to this day remains the firm's insignia: 'Friedr. Krupp A. G.'

Friedrich Krupp died in his fortieth year, when the modest shop was barely fourteen years old; and his son Alfred

1 From La Stampa (Turin Giolitti daily), October 7

was born the year the establishment was founded. Thus the widow, Teresa Wilhelmi, became owner of the works and guardian of her son, according to her husband's will. Soon after his death, Teresa, with touching business sobriety, announced publicly that the secret of manufacturing Krupp steel had not been lost, but had been transmitted to the eldest son of the defunct, and that the business would still be carried on.

Teresa Wilhelmi- not the only woman in the history of the Krupp works was a notable character. Her name deserves to be preserved with her husband's. Their wedding feast was held at the foundry which belonged to Grandmother Krupp and was named Gutehoffnungshütte - Foundry of Good Hope. In it Friedrich made his first experiments with steel. The tradition of the firm, however, begins with the grandmother, Helene Amalie Ascherfeld. Krupp was an old-established name in Essen; it stood for a long line of merchants, guild-masters, councilors, and burgomasters who had helped build up local prosperity. The family enjoyed a solid and honorable reputation, but could not boast any remarkably gifted members. In 1800 Helene Amalie became owner of the Gutehoffnungshütte, an enterprise that influenced the destinies of the family for forty years, and its heretofore modest circle of business extended. The name began to appear in the annals of the metal industry. In an 1806 advertisement 'Frau Witwe Krupp zu