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Mussolini in that town. In spite of all the pressure the Fascisti brought to bear, even in the elections of 1924 they got only a negligible number of votes.

Such an exception, such obstinacy, could not be tolerated under the dictatorship. So Molinella was subjected to a reign of terror almost as severe as that of the Russian village of Stapol, which was burned to the ground for the sole crime of having remained faithful to the Tsar.

Strangers came to Molinella and organized there a Fascist group. A pleasant government! All the priests, who were friends of Don Sturzo, the Clerical leader, and all the prominent Socialists, were exiled. Two hundred families were driven from their homes and firesides. Deprived of its leaders, Molinella was expected to submit. But it resisted-and suffered. Again entire families were driven from their homes and carried off to sterile and inclement districts remote from their own fertile farms, where it was difficult to make a living. But this only accentuated the resistance a resistance not violent and outspoken, to be sure, but passive and constant.

Then one morning some forty trucks rolled into the main plaza, which I have seen with my own eyes. Armed Black Shirts descended from these vehicles, separated into squads, and scattered through the town. Soon they came back bringing with them laborers, women, children, old men. A sort of roll call was held, and all these people, weeping and imploring mercy, were thrown into the trucks and carried off to an unknown destination.

This was not a deportation of Belgians by the Germans, in the midst of war and in a hostile country, in 1916; I am describing to you how the Fascisti deported their own countrymen, and in their own country, in September 1926.

To-day Molinella is weeping for her children, dispersed far from their homes. Dozens of houses are closed and deserted; grass is growing in the streets. The city, formerly an active, industrious town, the great majority of whose people were country laborers, stands desolate.

Before visiting Molinella I saw at Rome its exiled mayor, Signor Massaranti. Without violence of word or manner, with the calm resignation of the persecuted, this man painted for me the pathetic picture of his people's suffering. He said practically nothing about himself. I already knew that he had fought legally for his rights up to the last, that he had been elected mayor over and over again, that he had blessed the whole district with an honest and progressive administration and by his extensive knowledge of scientific agriculture. But I learned these things from others.

He himself merely described the struggle, the battle his people had fought for their rights and liberties. He spoke slowly and deliberately in Italian. I cannot describe here all the persecutions this man, half of whose time is now spent in prison, has had to undergo. His life work is destroyed. The great coöperative society he founded has been forcibly dissolved and its property pillaged. His own fields are abandoned and uncultivated. That was the drama he unfolded before my eyes. Out of the even flow of his words I picked one sentence which seemed to me to tell the whole story: 'Le fascisme nous a défénestrés.'

Défénestrés-that is to say, 'thrown out the window,' driven from home, driven from one's farm, from one's village, driven out by violence, by force.

I have not heard a terser, more expressive, more vivid summation of the Fascist Government's policy toward its opponents than that word.

Now that I have described to you the desolation of Molinella, now that you know what has happened to many a village in Italy, you can guess what impelled that fifteen-year-old boy to commit his wild act. He may have met on the streets of Bologna innocent young comrades begging their bread. He may have seen truckloads of weeping women and frightened children passing through the town. His generous boyish heart may have been stirred to the depths by so much suffering,

so much unhappiness. Is it not possible that his mind dwelt upon this misery until he decided to sacrifice himself to end it all?

He struck his blow. Others before him have struck theirs. Others after him may do the same, because violence begets violence.

To those who wonder what could have possessed a child to venture such a deed I answer: 'Bologna is only twenty kilometres from Molinella.'

II. A KUOMINTANG DECLARATION 2

BY THE CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE

TO THE HONGKONG-CANTON STRIKERS: force, boundless economic wealth, su

Comrades,

Fifteen years ago the Manchu dynasty was overthrown and a republic was established. But during these fifteen years our country was a republic only in name; in reality it was under the domination of imperialism, militarism, and reaction. The militarists carried on incessant civil wars which devastated and impoverished our people, while the imperialists kept us a subject race, dividing us through our own reactionaries and dominating us economically and politically. Against these scourges of our country the Kuomintang carried on a continued struggle to liberate our country.

The reason why after fifteen years of struggle we have not yet accomplished the object of the National Revolution is that our enemies were numerous and strong while the revolutionary forces were weak. Imperialism possesses great naval and military

From the Canton Gazette (Canton Government English-language weekly), October 16

perior organization, experience and cunning. The militarists, whose sole object is the acquisition of power and wealth, have always been ready to act as the servants of the imperialists, and as such have made it possible for their masters to continue their domination over our people. Both the crafty imperialists and their servants, the militarists, have found their reactionary tools even among our people, thus succeeding on many occasions in dividing our own weak forces.

In order to overthrow the domination of the crafty imperialists, the greedy militarists, and selfish reactionaries, it was necessary for the Kuomintang to raise such forces of the people as would be capable of realizing the object of the National Revolution in the face of all enemies.

It was at the First Congress of the Kuomintang, under the presidency of the founder of the Republic, Dr. Sun Yat-sen, at the beginning of 1924, that it was decided to involve the wide

masses of the people in the National Revolutionary Movement, as the most essential condition for its success. It was then proclaimed that the liberation of the country from the domination of imperialism, militarism, and reaction will be possible only through the people and by the people themselves. For this reason the banners of the National Revolution were carried with great energy and perseverance to the masses of the people, and in the first place to the workers, peasants, merchants, students, soldiers, and so on.

To-day, two and a half years after the First Congress of the Kuomintang, the Central Executive Committee of the Party solemnly proclaims before the Revolutionary World that in entrusting the banners of the National Revolution to the masses of the people our expectations have been fully justified. To-day the National Revolutionary movement rests upon the firm foundation of the people, and in proportion as this foundation deepens, widens, and grows stronger we get nearer and nearer to our goal.

The power of the National Revolution is no longer confined to the province of Kwangtung. Every day brings us the gladsome news that our armies, together with the revolutionary forces of the people, are gaining more and more ground against militarism, imperialism, and reaction. While the goal of the National Revolution is still far distant, we have many reasons to rejoice at the progress we are making.

Comrades! For fifteen months you have carried on a struggle unprecedented in the history of the anti-imperialist movement.

The principal cause of this struggle is the semicolonial status of China, and the subsidiary cause was the Shanghai-Shakee massacres. The second was the inevitable result of the first.

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Your struggle, therefore, was not only one to avenge the blood of our butchered patriot brothers, but struggle for the independence and freedom of China, so that in the future no such atrocities will be possible.

In this struggle you were not alone; all honest and revolutionary patriots were behind you and with you; all honest and revolutionary Chinese patriots abroad who themselves feel the oppression of the imperialists were actively supporting you.

Oppressed people of all countries were watching you with the greatest admiration and supporting you in your gigantic struggle with the most powerful imperialist country in the world.

On your side were all revolutionary forces; against you were all counterrevolutionists.

Your being in the forefront of the struggle in the interest of China will never be forgotten so long as our nation endures.

You have for fifteen months shown an example of the greatest endurance, noncompromise, self-sacrifice and suffering, for a cause which is just and holy. This example will live forever, and it will be emulated by the present and future generations.

But to-day we are lifting the antiBritish boycott. From to-day on we shall use the proceeds of a special tax on imports and exports for the purpose of relieving you from your economic suffering and to enable you within a reasonable period of time to find employment.

Why are we giving up the policy of a direct boycott and blockade of Hongkong? And does it mean that from to-day on the anti-imperialist struggle ceases? These are the two questions which must be clearly answered so that every revolutionary patriot in China and every revolutionary friend abroad will understand.

The giving up of the policy of direct boycott and blockade of Hongkong not only does not mean the stopping of the anti-imperialist struggle, but it means its intensification on a national scale, until the independence of China is completely secured.

In the active anti-imperialist struggle Kwangtung has been the vanguard for fifteen months, but although we have inflicted tremendous losses upon the enemy, it is impossible for Kwangtung alone to crush the enemy. To secure complete success, all the provinces must participate equally. This means that the anti-imperialist front must be extended throughout China. Until now our country, with the exception of Kwangtung, has been under the domination of the militarists. How then could we extend the active anti-imperialist front? It was impossible.

Several provinces have now been freed from the yoke of the hunting dogs of imperialism. Still, most of the provinces remain under the domination of militarists, and it will take some time before these militarists are overthrown. But even the newly freed provinces are not yet completely in the hands of the Revolution; the military struggle there is not over yet. And even if it were over, a long period of conflict between the Revolution and counter-revolution is inevitable. Therefore the extension of the anti-imperialist front throughout the country cannot be considered as a question of the nearest future; we must first have a long period of preparation before the active anti-imperialist front can be extended.

From this it is clear that in the antiimperialist struggle Kwangtung to-day is like one wing of a wide front, and this one wing has advanced very far, while the rest of the front is not yet in a position for a similar advance. Now, it is a well-known truth that, if one

wing of a wide front advances too far while the rest of the front remains far behind, there is a great danger of the advancing army being cut off by the enemy. Kwangtung is in just such a position. If it keeps on advancing against the enemy, while the rest of the country is not yet in a position to advance, then we shall find ourselves in armed conflict with the imperialists, with the danger of being cut off and destroyed.

Kwangtung, therefore, although successful in the anti-imperialist struggle, is arresting its advance in order to concentrate its efforts in different directions in accordance with a new policy. This policy, which is now being carried out with the same spirit of self-discipline, self-sacrifice, as was the advance, is not a defeat, but a great victory.

What is the new policy? Briefly, it seeks to consolidate the Revolutionary base in Kwangtung - in other words, to consolidate the people's movement and make it the base for political and economic development, to improve local and provincial administration, to build ports and roads, to improve the living conditions of the workers, peasants, teachers, merchants, and so on, to destroy banditry, to make the political liberties of the people secure. All this means to make the National Revolutionary base in Kwangtung so strong that no aggression by the imperialists can affect us.

But this is not all. The new policy seeks to widen and strengthen the National Revolutionary base in the other provinces, so that they can join in the active anti-imperialist front. The new policy recognizes that much effort must be devoted to reëstablishing and strengthening the people's organizations throughout the country, and to setting up Revolutionary provincial and district governments in the

places which have already been occupied or will be occupied in the future. When all this is done, then the anti-imperialist front will become unshakable and its final victory assured. Then the independence and liberty of China, the welfare of the suffering masses, will be secured.

whole country for a new advance against imperialism, militarism, and reaction.

Long live the Hongkong-Canton Strikers!

Long live all the Revolutionary patriots, who have loyally supported the anti-imperialist boycott and strike! Long live the National Revolu

Comrades! To-day we are reorganizing to prepare ourselves and the tion!

III. THE CASE OF NICARAGUA 3

BY FEDERICO PECK FERNANDEZ

[THIS article, dealing as it does with the petty politics and personal rivalries of a tiny banana republic,' would have little interest for the readers of the larger world except as an illustration of the interpretation given our policies, and the attitude displayed toward them, by a considerable group of LatinAmericans. It was written before our Government recognized Adolfo Díaz.]

NICARAGUA's political situation is rather interesting. It is interesting because upon its outcome will depend the validity of the Washington pacts. Will those famous pacts survive? We propose to answer that question.

But before doing so let us sketch. briefly the history of Nicaraguan politics during the last sixteen years. We shall then be able to understand better the present situation in that republic. We shall know who the people are, and whence they come, who are fighting today for political supremacy. We shall also discover the part that the United States of America has taken in the internal affairs of Nicaragua, and that

3 From Renovación (Tegucigalpa, Honduras, political weekly), October 30

Washington's attitude is to-day a natural result of certain precedents and acquired interests. Space compels us to condense these facts to a bare skeleton.

It began in 1910. José Santos Zelaya was President. General Juan M. Estrada took up arms against him. Generals Emiliano Chamorro, Luis Mena, and José María Moncada joined him. All these revolutionists were members of the Conservative Party. The Yankees helped the revolution - General Estrada himself admitted this in an interview which he gave to the New York Times, which was translated and published in the Diario del Salvador on October 12, 1912.

When two Yankees, Cannon and Grace, who had mixed up in Nicaraguan politics, were shot, the Government of Washington openly took sides in favor of Estrada. Zelaya received an offensive note from Secretary Knox withdrawing recognition of his Govern

ment.

Under these circumstances Don José Santos Zelaya turned over his office to Don José Madriz. But Madriz was not recognized by the North American Government. The United States defi

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