tion. But when we reflect that [*] some of the greatest men in America, with the venerable FRANKLIN and the illustrious WASHINGTON at their head; some of them the fathers and saviors of their country, men who have labored at the helm during a long and violent tempest, and guided us to the haven of peace and all of them distinguished for their abilities. their acquaintance with ancient and modern governments, as well as with the temper, the passions, the interests and the wishes of the Americans ;-when we reflect on these circumstances, it is impossible to resist impressions of respect, and we are almost impelled to suspect our own judgements, when we call in question any part of the system, which they have recommended for adoption. Not having the same means of information, we are more liable to mistake the nature and tendency of particular articles of the constitution, or the reasons on which they were admitted. Great confidence therefore should be reposed in the abilities, the zeal and integrity of that respectable body. But after all, if the constitution should, in its future operation, be found defective or inconvenient, two-thirds of both houses of Congress or the application of two-thirds of the legislatures, may open the door for amendments. Such improvements may then be made, as experience shall dictate.

[54] Let us then consider the New Federal Constitution, as it really is, an improvement on the best constitutions that the world ever saw. In the house of representatives, the people of America have an equal voice and suffrage. The choice of men is placed in the freemen or electors at large; and the frequency of elections, and the responsibility of the members, will render them sufficiently dependent on their constituents. The senate will be composed of older men; and while their regular dismission from office, once in six years, will preserve their dependence on their constituents, the duration of their existence will give firmness to their decisions, and temper the factions which must necessarily prevail in the other branch. The president of the United States is elective, and what is a capital improvement on the best governments, the mode [*"The convention was composed of." added after " that," by author.P. L. F.]

of chusing him excludes the danger of faction and corruption. [*] As the supreme executive, he is invested with power to enforce the laws of the union and give energy to the federal government.

The constitution defines the powers of Congress; and every power not expressly delegated to that body, remains in the several state-legislatures. The sovereignty and the republican form of government of each state is guaranteed by the constitution; and the bounds of jurisdiction between the federal and respective state governments, are marked with precision. In theory, it has all the energy and freedom of the British. and Roman governments, without their defects, In short, the privilges of freemen are [55] interwoven into the feelings and habits of the Americans; liberty stands on the immoveable basis of a general distribution of property and diffusion of knowledge; but the Americans must cease to contend, to fear, and to hate, before they can realize the benefits of independence and government, or enjoy the blessings, which heaven has lavished, in rich profusion, upon this western world.

[*"This proves how little dependence can be placed on theory Twelve years experience, or four elections demonstrates the contrary."-Note in author's copy.-P. L. F.]

An / Address / to the / People / of the State of New-York On the Subject of the Constitution, / Agreed upon at Philadelphia, / The 17th of September, 1787./New-York: / Printed by Samuel Loudon, / Printer to the State. [1788].

Sm. 4to., PP. 19.

By John Jay, member of the New York State Convention. The pamphlet has been partially reprinted in Elliot, I, 496.

"The good sense, forcible observations, temper and moderation with which the pamphlet is written, cannot fail, I should think, of making a serious impression upon the antifederal mind, where it is not under the influence of such local views as will yield to no argument, no proof."-George Washington.

"I likewise send you a small pamphlet written by John Jay about ten days since, and which has had a most astonishing influence in converting anti-federalism to a knowledge and belief that the new Constitution was their only political salvation."-S. B. Webb, 27 April, 1788.

"This pamphlet contains a brief recapitulation of the most striking arguments in favor of adopting the proposed Federal Constitution. Several of the observations are new, and all are penned with such moderation of temper, and sound judgment, that they cannot fail to make an impression favorable to the Constitution on minds which are open to conviction. It is wished that every friend to good order and government might receive this address with the same candor with which it is written,' as it is believed the author's arguments against appointing a new general Convention, for the purpose of altering and amending the constitution, are altogether unanswerable." [Noah Webster] in American Magazine for April, 1788.

See Jay's Life of Fay, 1, 362; The Federalist, LXXXV; and the "Postcript" of An Address to the People of the State of New York.-By a Plebian, infra.

P. L. F.