the year 1609, feventy - fix years after the death of Atahualpa the laft emperor, yet as he was born in Peru, and was the fon of an officer of diftinction among the Spanish conquerors, by a Coya, or lady of the royal race, on account of which he always took the name of Inca, as he was mafter of the language fpoken by the Incas, and acquainted with the traditions of his countrymen, his authority is rated very high, and often placed above that of all the other hiftorians. His work, however, is little more than a commentary upon the Spanish writers of the Peruvian ftory, and compofed of quotations taken from the authors whom I have mentioned. This is the idea which he himself gives of it, Lib. i. c. 10. Nor is it in the account of facts only that he follows them fervilely. Even in explaining the inftitutions and rites of his ancestors, his information feems not to be more perfect than theirs. His explanation of the Quipos is almoft the fame with that of Acofta. He produces no fpecimen of Peruvian poetry, but that wretched one which he borrows from Blas Valera, an early miffionary, whofe memoirs have never been publifhed. Lib. ii. c. 15. As for compofition, arrangement, or a capacity of diftinguifhing between what is fabulous, what is probable, and what is true, one fearches for them in vain in the commentaries of the Inca. His work, however, nothwithstanding its great

defects, is not altogether deftitute of use. Some
traditions which he received from his coun-
trymen are preferved in it.
His knowledge
of the Peruvian language has enabled him to
correct fome errors of the Spanish writers, and
he has inferted in it fome curious facts, ta-
ken from authors whofe works were never
publifhed, and are now loft.

NOTE II. p. 6.

One may form an idea both of the hardfhips which they endured, and of the regions which they visited, from the extraordinary mortality that prevailed among them. Pizarro carried out 112 men, Almagro 70. nine months 130 of thefe died.

In less than Few fell by

the fword; moft of them were cut off by difeases. Xerez. p. 180.

NOTE III. p. 9.

This ifland, fays Herrera, is rendered fo uncomfortable by the unwholesomeness of its climate, its impenetrable woods, its rugged mountains, and the multitude of infects and reptiles, that it is feldom any fofter epithet than that of infernal is employed in defcribing it. The fun is almost never feen there, and throughout the year it hardly ever ceafes to rain. Dec. 3. lib. x. c. 3. Dampier touched

at this ifland in the year 1685; and his accourt of the climate is not more favourable. Vol. i. p. 172. He, during his cruife on the coast, vifited moft of the places where Pizarro landed, and his defcription of them throws light on the narrations of the early Spanish hiftorians.

NOTE IV. p. 25.

By this time horfes had multiplied greatly in the Spanish fettlements on the continent. When Cortes began his expedition in the year 1518, though his armament was more confider able than that of Pizarro, and compofed of perfons fuperior in rank to thofe who invaded Peru, he could procure no more than fixteen horses.

NOTE V. p. 26.

In the year 1740, D. Ant. Ulloa, and D. George Juan, travelled from Guayquil to Motupe, by the fame route which Pizarro took. From the defcription of their journey, one may form an idea of the difficulty of his march. The fandy plains between St. Michael de Pieura and Motupe extend 90 miles, without water, without a tree, a plant, or any green thing, on a dreary ftretch of burning fand. Voyage, tom. i. p. 399, &c.

NOTE VI. p. 30.

This extravagant and unfeasonable difcourfe of Valverde has been cenfured by all hiftorians, and with juftice. But though he feems to have been an illiterate and bigoted monk, nowife refembling the good Olmedo, who accompanied Cortes; the abfurdity of his address to Atahualpa muft not be charged wholly upon him. His harangue is evidently a tranflation, or paraphrafe of that form, concerted by a junto of ·Spanish divines and lawyers in the year 1509, for explaining the right of their king to the fovereignty of the New World, and for directing the officers employed in America how they fhould take poffeffion of any new country. See Vol. i. Note xxiii. The fentiments contained in Valverde's harangue muft not then be imputed to the bigoted imbecillity of a particular man, but to that of the age. Gomara and Benzoni relate one circumftance concerning Valverde, which, if autentick, renders him an object, not of contempt only, but of horror. They affert, that during the whole action, Valverde continued to excite the foldiers to flaughter, calling to them to ftrike the enemy, not with the edge, but with the points of their fwords. Gom. Cron. c. 113. Benz. Hiftor. Nov. Orbis, lib. iii. c. 3. Such behaviour was very different from that of the Roman Catholick clergy in other parts of America, where they uniformly ex

erted their influence to protect the Indians, and to moderate the ferocity of their countrymen.

NOTE VII. p. 31.

The

Two different fyftems have been formed concerning the conduct of Atahualpa. Spanifh writers, in order to juftify the violence of their countrymen, contend, that all the Inca's profeffions of friendfhip were feigned; and that his intention in agreeing to an interview with Pizarro at Caxamalca, was to cut off him and his followers at one blow; that for this purpose he advanced with fuch a numerous body of attendants, who had arms concealed under their garments to execute this scheme. This is the account given by Xeres and Zarate, and adopted by Herrera. But if it had been the plan of the Inca to deftroy the Spaniards, one can hardly imagine that he would have permitted them to march unmolefted through the defert of Motupe, or have neglected to defend the paffes in the mountains, where they might have been attacked with fo much advantage. If the Peruvians marched to Caxamalca with an intention to fall upon the Spaniards, it is inconceivable, that of fo great a body of men, prepared for action, not one thould attempt to make refiftance, but all tamely fuffer themfelves to be butchered by an enemy whom they were