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inquiry, use the ugly word 'treachery’: if we say 'cooling,' it will suffice to cause us to think badly of the model for having thus compelled the painter to leave his country, carrying with him in his exile the cherished image, to which he clung till the end. In spite of time's softening influence, his recollections of her embittered the rest of his life; for, although he wished to efface them from his memory, one can realise that he only partially succeeded.
Leonardo da Vinci died in France, at the Château de Clou, near Amboise, in the year 1519. As to what became of Mona Lisa nothing is known. But her name, like her beauty, remains immortal.
Numerous legends surround the name of Leonardo da Vinci. To dissipate all of them would require a volume; but there is one which I should like to dispel. It is to the effect that Leonardo died in the arms of King François Premier, and it has met with such acceptance in France as to be incorporated in certain histories, and even to be the subject of a painting. A large picture by Jean Gijou, which was unwisely placed on view in the Paris Universal Exhibition of 1889, represents the king seated beside the bed on which the great master lies at the point of death. This picture has caused the legend to receive a still greater amount of credence. A few words, however, will suffice to disprove the story. As a matter of fact, at the moment when the painter of Mona Lisa passed away, François Premier was at the Château of Saint-Germain, near Paris, as is shown by the court journal. No document of the period makes any mention of the king having journeyed to Amboise at that particular time, and Melzi, Leonardo's friend and companion, does not allude thereto in his letters. The legend, therefore, is apocryphal, and historians would do well to treat it as sucb.
ALPHONSE DE CALONNE.
Vol. XXXVIII--No. 223
AND THE PAN-BRITANNIC MOVEMENT
'It is new in itself, and the English mind is slow to adapt itself to novelties.' Thus the late Lord Derby wrote in 1892 of the proposal to establish a periodic gathering of the British and English-speaking
Convinced as he was that there were greater difficulties in the way of political and commercial federation than the supporters of those schemes thought, he urged the gathering of opinions from representative men respecting the 'Pan-Britannic'scheme, quiet and steady propagation of the idea in influential quarters, and in the Press; also no premature action. This advice, coinciding, as it did, with that of many other eminent men, was followed ; and the idea, as an idea, was favourably received on all sides. The seed sedulously sown has burst into life in many quarters, so that, long an advocate of a scheme, I find myself at the present moment a critic of it in action.
The portion of the scheme dealing with athletics, and which I originally regarded as subordinate to the general idea and introduced with the object of popularising the project and giving a welcome excuse for the whole gathering advocated, seems to remain paramount in public opinion. While dealing with the various phases of this extraordinary development of the athletic section, I think the time has now arrived when I should make an effort to push into equal prominence other features of the scheme which I regard as important. What a large space the movement obtains among thoughtful men in the colonies and in America is evinced by the continual correspondence from men of all shades of political opinion. The serious tone and importance of the letters more and more convince me that the detailed development of it, often contrary to the usual experience, is evidently strengthening it in public favour, and that the principle is sound and capable of indefinite application. If I were permitted to make public some of the most influential correspondence which has passed, it would be readily seen that it would appear we are within measurable distance of the forging of a fresh link in the family bond which unites us to our kinsmen throughout the globe. I am averse to lasten the gradual development of the idea, and it must be remem
bered that institutions to work must be founded on character, which is a plant of slow growth; and the severest critic of our method of promotion cannot say, since the holding of public meetings in Australia, South Africa, and Canada in support of the proposal, that we have endeavoured to bring about the accomplishment of the idea otherwise than in a spontaneous and natural way, and without undue interference with any organisation or vested interest.
Whatever may be the ultimate fate of the Pan-Britannic'scheme as a whole, it is clear that the union of hearts in the national devotion to sport and games is without question one of the strongest ties of brotherhood in our ocean commonwealth in its depth and breadth. With regard to the assertion that the proposed Britannic and Englishspeaking festival may in course of time prove to be the Olympian games--and, as such, a unifying force--of a larger world than the Greek, let me repudiate here once and for all the feeble insinuation and witless charge that we are trying to bring about a slavish and ridiculous imitation of the Greek institution. I do not think that we can get much more than the general notion from the great examples of antiquity, and, up to date, it should be capable of effective realisation. The idea has been pronounced good by the keenest minds in the country, it has been well advertised; but the question remains to be answered—Can it, in the face of prejudice, of sluggishness, and in some cases active opposition, be rendered practicable and popular ?
The principle of this scheme, as I have repeatedly urged, involves no artificial ties. It is an endeavour to amalgamate certain free and unfettered gatherings, which are now worked only in an irregular and haphazard way, as a recognised sign of the unity of the Englishspeaking race scattered throughout our ocean commonwealth. It is, further, an effort to put into action certain inclinations and policies which if exercised as a federating force would do as much for union within the empire as other more ambitious and formal proposals put forward demanding an alteration of the constitution; while also it could be made comprehensive enough to include the citizens of the United States. Comprehensive enough not only in matters of sport, but also on those of other proposals made. 'I think,' urges the Hon. James Service, the ex-Premier of Victoria, in support of the idea, it would be well to limit the scheme in the first place to contests mainly of a physical character, which would possess the greatest attraction for the youth of the empire. The periodical gathering once established, it could, and no doubt would, be gradually availed of for other purposes, literary, commercial, scientific, social, religious.'
It has been frequently said that it is impossible to reconcile the apparently conflicting objects of a project which aims at a conciliation of the empire within itself, and an approximation of the empire to the rest of the English-speaking race. On the other hand it appears to me that the most striking social movement of the last
few years has been the ripening of friendship between the inhabitants of the empire and our kinsfolk in the United States, while such movements as Imperial Federation and a Customs Union for the Empire have been abandoned, or regarded as impracticable for years to
The American Press criticisms upon what has been called the Cornell-Leander fiasco are a definite proof of the increasing influence with which British opinions and British manners are regarded in America. A few years ago that incident would have provoked a tone of criticism not too favourable to this country and reflective of the prejudices of the masses in America ; but every great organ was condemnatory of the sharp businesslike tactics of the Cornell men, except one insignificant paper called the Denver Times, which according to the latest newspaper directory has a circulation of about 14,000 copies, but whose blackguardly assertions have been advanced by injudicious and mischief-making people, not over there but on this side of the Atlantic, into metropolitan and representative opinions. One foolish correspondent to the Times went so far as to ask whether it would not be advisable to reconsider the furtherance of such a gathering as I urge, because the editor of the American local paper
referred to chose to make an idiot of himself. While the Americans seem to be friendly inclined, overtures to the United States are not altogether welcome in certain colonial quarters, as will be seen from the following comment by an eminent Canadian who writes of the Pan-Britannic scheme : With the idea which should bring together the various sections of the empire I am in hearty accord; but it seems to me that when the United States is included in the proposal, it at once robs it of any political value whatever. The greatest difficulty we in Canada have is to preserve our nationality intact from American aggression. In answer to this objection, I say that no mere political consideration grounded upon a remote fear ought to have weight in dealing with the furtherance of a scheme which is essentially non-political and inclined to look upon the English-speaking race, whether in America, in Australia, or in Great Britain, as one people in many lands.' I never regret the declara tion of independence when I consider what a marvellous impulse it gave to the development of America, and the provision for the overflow population of Europe, such provision being the main object of every true imperial colonial policy, while no political division can long override the racial common sense or sever the ties of blood and language. Another objection urged against overtures to the United States of America is that the Anglo-Saxon American is a diminishing quantity, and that the future polyglot inhabitants of the United States are to be what no man can tell. In my opinion the constant fusion of races among American humanity keeps turning out admirers of English institutions and speakers of the English language. In support of this contention that the American of the United States becomes more English than he was born, let me quote the opinion of Mr. Bayard, not in his capacity as the Ambassador of the United States to this country, but unofficially as an American citizen. In the United States, he says, a large majority of the inhabitants are born Americans, and the English language and its literature prevail everywhere, even generally with those born in other countries. The laws of the United States and of every state and territory are debated and printed only in the English language. The methods of administering justice in civil and criminal cases are English, and the principles represented in the decisions of the judicial courts are delivered in English and have their origin mainly in the common law of England, and in the institutes of law which were carried into the colonies of North American settlement prior to the separation in 1776. The foreign-born population in the United States is very numerous, and in some of the cities forms a numerical majority, but the legal rights and the remedies are almost entirely American in principle and form of expression. The constitution of the United States contains the principles of Magna Charta and of every subsequent declaration of political and religious liberty in the mother country. Out of this condition it would seem natural that what are commonly styled ' Anglo-Saxon ideas and feelings would be more apt to predominate in the United States than those having any other racial origin. This subject alone needs, however, a much more comprehensive statement and careful deduction than I am able at this time to present, and I can only express the hope that the principles of civil and religious liberty which tend to keep each individual free and protect him against tyranny may long hold good among all English-speaking people, no matter where they may find their homes; and that no international jealousy or mutual disparagement may be allowed to weaken a friendly and co-operative support. If this is a fair estimate of the weight of English infuence on the American continent, it may be regarded as certain that, whatever happens, the English-speaking man is going to dominate the United States, and the more non-English people come into the country the more will the dominating English speakers feel themselves bound to make common cause with those who speak the English language outside the political and geographical boundaries of the great republic across the Atlantic. The spread of English, perhaps I should say British, ideas is further evinced by the increasing demand for works of literature produced by living writers of the parent English stock. I merely instance this as a further irrefragable proof that the fusion of races working on the American continent is pouring forth English-thinking and English-speaking men who bear foreign names.