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PAGR

The Kctho-Daw. By Professor Max Müller

491

A Foreign AFFAIRS COMITEE. By Sidney Low .

500 ;

THE PRESENT CONDITION of Russia. By Prince Kropotkin

619
NOTE FROM MB, HERBERT SPENCER .

5:30
THE GOLD-MINING MADNESS IN THE CITY. By S. F. Von Oss

537

THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN ITALY. By the Marchese de Viti de Marco 548

RUSKIN AS MASTER OF PROSE. By Frederic Harrison

561

The TRAFALGAR CAPTAINS. By W. Laird Clowes (“ Nauticus')

576

THE LAND OF FRANKINCESSE AND MYRRH. By J. Theodure Bent

595

A MEDICAL VIEW OF THE MIRACLES AT LOURDES. By Dr. Berdoe

614

The New SPIRIT IN History. By W. S. Lilly

619

FREDERICK LOCKER-LAMPSON. By Coulson Kernahan

634

IN GERMANY: A SKETCH. By ller Grace the Duchess of Sutherland 644

THE CLOSING OF THE INDIAN MINTS. By the Right Hon. Lord Brassey

619

THE RELIGION OF HUMANITY: A REPLY TO MR. FREDERIC Harrison.

By W. H. Mallock

601

The Religion OF THE UNDERGRADUATE. By the Rev. A. C. Deane 673, 97

THE PROPER PRONUNCIATION OF GREEK. By J. Gennadius

681

A GREAT UNIVERSITY FOR LONDON. By the Right Hon. Lord Playfair 699

THE NEED FOR AN ANTARCTIC EXPEDITION. By Clements R. Markham · 706

TRAFALGAR DAY. By Algernon Charles Swinburne

713
Bishop BUTLER AND HIS Censors. By the Right Hon. William Ewari
Gladstone

715, 10.50

LORD SALISBURY on Evolution. By Herbert Spencer

740

Great Britain, VENEZUELA, AND THE UNITED STATES. By H. Somers

Somerset

758

THE CHINESE View of Missionaries. By T. C. Hlayllar:

769

ISLAM AND CANON MacColl. By the Hon. Mr. Justice Ameer Ali 778

THE RIGIDITY OF ROME. By Wilfrid Ward

786

HULDERICO SCHMIDEL. By Ř. B. "Cunninghame Graham

805

The PAST AND THE FUTURE OF GIBRALTAR. (With a Map.) By Lieut.

Col. Adye

814

THE CHANGE OF OUR MUSICAL Pitch. By J. Cuthbert Hadden

828

ART CONNOISSEURSHIP IN ENGLAND. By Sir Charles Robinson

838

AUTHOR, AGENT, AND PUBLISHER. By T, Werner Laurie .

850

THE RELIGION OF THE UNDERGRADUATE:

(1) A REPLY FROM CAMBRIDGE. By Reginald B. Fellows

856

(2) A REPLY FROM OXFORD. By H. Legge

861

Indian FrontiERS AND INDIAN T'INANCE. By Sir Auckland Colvin 870

The TRANSFORMATION OF THE ARMY UNDER THE DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE.

By Field-Marshal Sir Lintorn Simmons

880

THE POLICY OF KILLING HOME RULE BY Kitosessi

By

John E.

Redmond

903

REOPENING THE EDUCATION SETTLEMENT OF 1870. By the ilon. E.

Lyulph Stanley .

915

KASHMIR. By Sir Lepel Griffin

931

DELACROIX ET LES PEINTRES DE L'ÉCOLE ANGLAISE. By' Mons. Charles

Priarte

947

Unto 1818 Last. By Frederic Harrison

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958

THE SOCIETY OF AUTHORS. By Sir W. Martin Conway

975

THE LITERARY AGENT. By Sir Walter Besant

979

THE EASTERN QUESTION :

(1) By Professor Geffcken

. 991

(2) By Madame Norikoff

. 1001

(3) By Rafiüddin Ahmad

. 1008

UNIVERSITY SETTLEMENTS. By the Rev. Canon Barnett

. 1015

MEDICINE AND Society. By Dr. J. Burney leo

· 1025

MATTHEW ARNOLD. By the Right Hon. John Morley

. 1040

Canon MacColl on Islâm: a Correspondence .

. 1075

.

THE

NINETEENTH

CENTURY

No. CCXXI-JULY 1895

CROMWELL'S STATUE

What needs our Cromwell stone or bronze to say
His was the light that lit on England's way

The sundawn of her time-compelling power,
The noontide of her most imperial day?

His hand won back the sea for England's dower ;
His footfall bade the Moor change heart and cower;

His word on Milton's tongue spake law to France
When Piedmont felt the she-wolf Rome devour.

From Cromwell's eyes the light of England's glance
Flashed, and bowed down the kings by grace of chance,

The priest-anointed princes; one alone
By grace of England held their hosts in trance.

The enthroned Republic from her kinglier throne
Spake, and her speech was Cromwell's. Earth has known

No lordlier presence. How should Cromwell stand
By kinglets and by queenlings hewn in stone ?

! Refused by the House of Commons on the 17th of Jure, 1895. VOL. XXXVIII-No. 221

B

Incarnate England in his warrior hand
Smote, and as fire devours the blackening brand

Made ashes of their strengths who wrought her wrong, And turned the strongholds of her foes to sand.

His praise is in the sea's and Milton's song;
What praise could reach him from the weakling throng

That rules by leave of tongues whose praise is shameHim, who made England out of weakness strong ?

There needs no clarion's blast of broad-blown fame
To bid the world bear witness whence he came

Who bade fierce Europe fawn at England's heel
And purged the plague of lineal rule with flame.

There needs no witness graven on stone or steel
For one whose work bids fame bow down and kneel;

Our man of men, whose time-commanding name
Speaks England, and proclaims her Commonweal.

ALGERNON CHARLES SITVBURNE.

June 20, 1895.

THE CONSERVATIVE PROGRAMIE

OF SOCIAL REFORII

NOTHING has contributed more to the downfall in public estimation of the present Government than its failure to deal effectively with any of the social problems of the day. The hopes which were held out by its supporters at the general election of 1892 could indeed never have been realised, because all the Parliamentary time was mortgaged from the outset to measures of political change; but this fact does not seem to have been appreciated by a great number of the electors. The general desire of the people to try what the other side can do in social legislation will be one of the most powerful influences at work in the coming general election. If it should give a majority to the opponents of the Government, their own retention of the confidence of the people will in its turn depend upon their fulfilment of expectations which have been built quite as much upon popular hope as upon any definite pledges which the leaders of the Opposition have given. They will have one immense and obvious advantage over their predecessors. Pledged to no political changes, they can devote the whole of their Parliamentary time and the entire energy of their administration to the framing, discussing, and passing of measures which directly affect the well-being of the people : they will not be obliged to put off reform by Royal Commissions, Select Committees, and sham Bills.

The policy of the Conservative party in reference to labour and social legislation would be guided by constitutional principles, and would necessarily proceed along the existing lines of social organisation. During the last fifty years solid and substantial improvement has taken place in the condition of the people. It would be folly not to seek for further progress along the same lines, and to imperil all that has been attained by some wild experiment in socialism, contrary to that caution and sobriety of sentiment which has always characterised the British people.

But there are two diseases or disorders of the body politic which, though of old standing, have in recent times undergone a new and alarming development. They not only obstruct progress, but threaten to destroy the stability of the existing social order. Some immediate remedy for them is urgently called for. They are

1. Strikes and lock-outs. 2. The unemployed.

The first efforts of any administration which is placed in office by the next Parliament will have to be directed to the treatment of these pressing and dangerous disorders: they have been fully discussed ; their symptoms have been studied ; remedies have been suggested; they are ripe for remedial legislation, if legislation can cure them.

STRIKES.

The first of these disorders is not so hard to deal with as the second, of which it is moreover one of the aggravating causes. The task is also made easier by the example of laws existing in our own colonies, in American States, and in European countries, many of which have been in operation with excellent results for some years.

Certain of the best organised trades in our own country, such as the Cleveland iron-workers and the Northumberland miners, have for many years had the relations between employers and employed regulated by voluntary joint committees, which have successfully dealt with questions of wages and hours of labour, and have maintained industrial peace for long periods. Guided by these precedents, the Government should now work out a plan by which the benefits possessed by the well-organised industries can be to some extent conferred on the general mass of less organised workers. Public bodies, local and central, should be called into existence, to impede, if they could not altogether prevent, industrial conflicts. Local bodies would deal with local disputes, which, though individually small, produce a vast aggregate of misery and loss. Central bodies would deal with conflicts affecting the great staple industries of the country. Authority to create such bodies should be derived from Parliament, which should prescribe their general constitution and the fundamental principles on which they should act. The appointment of local bodies would be made under schemes prescribed by the Councils of counties and the municipal corporations of boroughs, which should have considerable latitude in adapting their constitution and procedure, and their mode of election or appointment, to the particular circumstances of the neighbourhood. The appointment of central bodies would be made directly by the Government. The general principles to be laid down and observed are such as these :

1. They should be permanent. People object to the intrusion of volunteers and to the meddling of a Government department. Disputants cavil at the choice of persons to judge their particular quarrel. A standing body acquires experience and prestige.

2. Employer and employed should have an equal voice. They

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