colleagues at the Westminster Palace Hotel in June 1889, he said:

I pledged myself that I would hold myself aloof from all English party combinations from all English parties—until an English party arose which would concede to Ireland the just rights of the Irish people, and enable her to obtain for herself those just rights in an Irish Assembly in Dublin.

That time has since come about when an English party-a great English party -under the distinguished leadership of Mr. Gladstone has conceded to Ireland those rights, and has enabled us to enter into an honourable alliance-honourable and hopeful for our country, honourable for that great English party-an alliance which, I venture to believe, will last, and will yield permanent fruit, and result in a knitting together of Great Britain and Ireland in a true and real union. We are happy and Ireland is happy that this time has come when we can shake hands with Englishmen, with the consciousness that in doing so we sacrifice no principle or hope for the future of our country, and with the belief that Ireland, as she has trusted us in the past, both in Ireland and wherever the Irish race exists, will be justified by the results of the future in that trust which she has honoured us by extending to us.

It might, at first sight, appear that this policy was at variance with the earlier policy of independence of all English parties, but a moment's consideration shows that this was not so. Rather was it in strict accord with that policy; for though Mr. Gladstone had been defeated in the appeal to the country on his Home Rule Bill, he had not abandoned Home Rule; he was, in fact, determined, on the very first opportunity, again to make the attempt to obtain Home Rule for Ireland; and the Irish party, secure in the certainty of his intentions, and powerless for any independent action, had no reason, no cause, for keeping aloof from him or independent of his party.

Whilst affairs were in this condition, the Damocles sword, long hanging over Parnell's head, fell, with fatal effect.

The proceedings in the Divorce Court in November 1890 disclosed to the world the scandalous private life which Parnell had been leading, and the disclosure was fatal to his position in Parliament, and as leader of his party. The storm which quickly began to rise culminated in the well-known letter from Mr. Gladstone to Mr. Morley of the 24th of November in which he expressed the conclusion at which, after using all the means of observation and reflection in his power, he had himself arrived. It was, that, 'notwithstanding the splendid services rendered by Mr. Parnell to his country, his continuance at the present moment in the leadership would be productive of consequences disastrous in the highest degree to the cause of Ireland.' And he went on to say: 'I think I may be warranted in asking you so far to explain the conclusion I have given above as to add that the continuance which I speak of would not only place many hearty and effective friends of the Irish cause in a position of great embarrassment, but would render my retention of the leadership of the Liberal party, based as it has been mainly upon the prosecution of the Irish cause, almost a nullity.'

It is unnecessary to enter into any details of the proceedings immediately consequent on this letter. For several days the Irish party met in Committee room No. 15 at the House of Commons, and there discussed the situation, Parnell himself presiding. Ultimately,. on Saturday, the 6th of December, forty-five of the party withdrew,. adjourned to another room, and there passed a resolution declaring that Parnell's term of chairmanship of the Irish Parliamentary partywas terminated. They elected Mr. Justin M'Carthy as chairman, and they proceeded then to pass another resolution to which I wish to direct special attention. It ran as follows:

We hereby solemnly renew our adhesion to the principle in devotion to which we have never wavered, viz. that the Irish Parliamentary party is, and always must remain, independent of all other parties; and we further declare that we will never entertain any proposal for the settlement of the Home Rule question, except such as satisfies the aspirations of the Irish people.

For a while Parnell strove to resume his old position as leader of the Irish people, if not of their Parliamentary representatives. But success was not to come to him again, and his unexpected death in the autumn of 1891 finally closed the struggle which he was making. The Irish were to be led or misled by other hands than his, to be guided or misguided by other brains.

Some nine months passed without any further important incidents. But then great events occurred. The existence of the Parliament had been drawing to a close, and in July 1892 a general election took place.

The result was startling. After twenty years of persistent effort the long-hoped-for, long-striven-for object of the Irish National party was realised. They had gone near it in 1885, they had actually attained it in 1892. For the first time in their history, they were complete masters of the situation, arbiters of the fate of Ireland and Great Britain. They held the key to the position.'

Three hundred and fifteen Unionists had been returned, and 274 Gladstonians, while they themselves had eighty-one members, all Home Rulers, though there were some differences between them.

Neither Gladstonians nor Unionists, therefore, could carry on the government for a day without the aid and approval of the Irish party. Both English parties were accordingly absolutely at its mercy.

The party to whom, naturally, the Irish party gave its support was the Gladstonian party, which was pledged to make a fresh effort to carry a Home Rule Bill. With the Unionist party its only alliance could have been but the temporary one for the purpose of turning the Government out if it did not give full satisfaction. It behoved the Gladstonian party, therefore, to fulfil its promises; and so, when the session of 1893 opened, Mr. Gladstone took the earliest occasion he could to produce his new Home Rule Bill.

While the Bill was under discussion in the House of Commons the subservience of the Government to their Irish taskmasters was plainly manifest, and concessions to the Unionists were withheld solely because they were unpalatable to the Irish party; and on one occasion-not a very critical one-the Irish party voted against the Government, just as a sort of warning of what might happen in a more serious matter if the Government showed any want of thoroughness.

But it is undesirable to go into details, for details only tend to obscure what I wish to bring into distinct prominence, namely, the great broad facts.

Satisfied or dissatisfied with the Government scheme, the Irish party were quite prepared to accept it. They would take as much as they could get, and trust to their enlarged powers for getting more afterwards; for, as Mr. Sexton very indiscreetly said, 'the presence in this Parliament of eighty Irish members, a number which had been found sufficient to initiate an Irish constitution, would be found sufficient to protect an Irish constitution, when it was given.' From which indiscreet utterance we may quite fairly infer that the eighty members would be quite sufficient also to initiate and to obtain such further concessions towards Irish independence as the Irish party might at any time wish.

The Bill, after only a small part of its provisions had been discussed in Parliament, was forced by 'gag' and closure through the House of Commons, and sent to its fate in the Upper House; and the Lords earned an unwonted popularity, and placed the country under a deep obligation to them, by rejecting it.

Instead of forthwith appealing to the country, the Government took the line that the House of Lords had no right to dictate or force a dissolution, and accepted their defeat, contenting themselves with vague threats against the Lords. Parliament was adjourned for a short holiday, then reassembled for the consideration of two important English Bills, and sat right away on till March 1894.

Before the session closed, almost the gravest disaster that could happen to the Irish party occurred. Mr. Gladstone, their sole great English champion, the one man who, it was thought, was capable of persuading the British people to concede Home Rule, resigned his position as Prime Minister and retired into private life.

And now came the hour of trial for the Irish National party, the very crisis of its fate.

Parliament was prorogued on the 5th of March. On the 12th of March it met again, with a new Prime Minister, Lord Rosebery.

At a meeting of the Liberal party held at the Foreign Office on that day, Lord Rosebery said that he and his colleagues remained pledged to the policy that Mr. Gladstone laid down, and to the

'These

measures alluded to in the Queen's Speech of January 1893. measures still remain with us; they remain an exposition of the Liberal policy of this time, and for some time to come, and the Cabinet have no intention of receding from any of them.' The Queen's Speech, however, which was delivered the same day, contained no reference to Home Rule. Evidently it was being relegated into the future. distant that future was,

How dim and

was to be made clearer before very long.

In the debate on the Address in the House of Lords, Lord Rosebery rather airily said: We omitted all mention of the Home Rule Bill because, unlike last year, it is not our intention to propose a Home Rule Bill in this session of Parliament.'

And then he made a rather startling statement:

The noble Marquis (Salisbury) made one remark on the subject of Irish IIome Rule with which I express myself in entire accord. He said that, before Irish Home Rule is conceded by the Imperial Parliament, England, as the predominant member of the partnership of the three kingdoms, will have to be convinced of its justice and equity. That may seem to be a considerable admission to make, because your lordships will know that the majority of English members of Parliament elected from England proper are hostile to this measure. But I believe that the conviction of England in regard to Home Rule depends on one point alone, and that is the conduct of Ireland herself. I believe that if we can go on showing this clean list of agrarian crime; if we can point to the continued harmony of Ireland with the great Liberal party of this country; if we can go on giving proofs and pledges that Ireland is entitled to be granted that boon which she has never ceased to demand since the Act of Union was passed-I believe that the conversion of England will be of no slow or difficult character.

Not very encouraging this to the ardent Home Ruler. much more encouragement given in the House of Commons. Sir William Harcourt said:

Nor was

There

They would not appeal to the country until they had placed before the country the whole plan and scheme of the Liberal party-disestablishment, local veto, and the other bills which are enumerated in the speech from the throne. . . . Home Rule hung up has been a far better thing than coercion enacted. What has improved the condition of Ireland? What has led to a better feeling? It is the faith and the hope which exists in the breasts of the Irish people that the great Liberal party is true to their faith and will adhere to their pledges, and that they will do all that in them lies to give effect to that policy of self-government to Ireland which is the great legacy our great leader has left us- the hope and belief that Home Rule is coming.

Mr. Redmond interrupted with the very pertinent question, When? That, sir,' replied Sir William, 'does not depend on me alone. The hon. member can himself, if he chooses, very much aid in that decision. If he will help us we will help him. We have done much to help him and his friends, and I think we have some right to expect that they will help us.'

Had Parnell been alive, and still the leader of the Irish party, one

can imagine the scene that would have ensued. He would have told the Ministers that it was not his intention to allow Home Rule to be postponed; he would have availed himself to the full of the chance which made him practically dictator, and he would have driven them from office if they refused to comply with his demands.

What actually occurred was, however, quite different. Mr. T. Harrington expressed his disappointment at Home Rule being indefinitely hung up, and warned the Government of the consequences. They did not ask that the Bill should be introduced now, this year, but they asked when it was to be introduced.'

And Mr. J. Redmond said:

We recognise the fact that, as the Home Rule question stands at this moment, we cannot in Ireland hope to have it carried into law without another general election, and without a verdict [being given in its favour by the people of these kingdoms. But the one thing we were afraid of was, that that appeal to the constituencies would be indefinitely postponed, and while indefinitely postponed the Home Rule question would be put on the shelf, and shifted back from the position of urgency to which it had been raised by the labours and sacrifices of the late Mr. Parnell, and that Ireland would find, as the necessity in the minds of Englishmen for considering this question disappeared, that the chances of obtaining a settlement of it would recede altogether from their views.

And he wound up his speech by saying:

All I have to say in conclusion is this. If it be the plan of the Government to put this question conveniently on the shelf for the next three or four years, and to go on quietly and smoothly here with English bills, just as if no Irish question were clamouring for settlement at your doors, just as if Ireland were prosperous, contented, and happy; and if it be their belief that Ireland will acquiesce in that view and maintain this peace, and order, and tranquillity which they desire, I think that they will find that they are living in a fool's paradise. For my part I have no doubt whatever in my mind that, as soon as the Irish people realise that this is the programme of the Liberal party, a spirit will arise in Ireland which will make the government of Ireland by England at all-on the predominant partner theory at any rate an absolute impossibility; and for my part, if this is the programme of the Liberal party, the sooner that day comes, in my opinion, the better.

This and no more, at least nothing material more, from even the extremer section of the Irish party; whilst the other section, the great bulk of the party, sat silent.

This, then, was how this great independent Irish National party acquitted itself in the hour of trial, in the supreme crisis of its fate.

Had that party, once its members read the Queen's Speech, and heard from the mouths of Ministers that Home Rule was indefinitely shelved had they, then and there, refused to be hoodwinked and deluded, and boldly acted up to the principles of the resolution of independence of which they made a parade just after their deposal of Parnell, how different would have been the future of Ireland! The opportunity which for many a weary year had been looked forward to, which had been long striven for, had at last come-the hour of