from the belief that it was more likely to strengthen his power than any other which the nation would adopt. He would have preferred Popery had there been any possibility of inducing the nation to adopt it. But many of the leading divines did, in fact, hold doctrines widely differing, as those of Laud had done, from the faith taught by the British reformers and their immediate successors. The first care of such men was to forward measures which would strengthen their own power, and put down the real followers of the truth, together with those who had united political proceedings with their religious profession. There were two parties in the government. Hyde, better known as lord Clarendon, the chancellor, was closely associated with those who had been the principal advisers of the king before the restoration, also with Monk and a few ⚫ of his personal associates. These formed the real administration, while others, who had formerly been the counsellors of the late monarch, though nominally included, found they did not possess any real voice in the government. In the enthusiasm of the moment, the parliament was ready to grant all the king required, and though the royal advisers saw it was necessary not to abuse this disposition to the utmost, yet all measures of precaution and restraint, upon right principles, were neglected. Bishop Burnet says, "To the king's coming in without conditions, may be well imputed all the errors of his reign." The House of Commons, then assembled, was declared to be a legal parliament, though not called by the royal writ. An annual revenue of 1,200,000l. was granted to the king, for which purpose the excise was continued. One half of this tax was granted in lieu of various feudal revenues; the second was required, with other taxation, to constitute the promised income. But the national advantage from doing away the feudal tenures was confined to the higher ranks. The lords of manors were released from their services and payments to the crown; but their own demands upon the inferior classes, the copyholders, were confirmed, although the advantage was purchased by contributions of all ranks. The army was gradually disbanded, and the arrears cleared by degrees. Baxter remarks, "that such an army, having done such deeds, and so powerful, should allow itself thus to be disbanded, is enough, of itself, to prove that there is a God that governeth the world, and disposes of the powers of it according to his will." About four thousand soldiers were retained as guards, the commencement of a standing army, till this time unknown in the kingdom. There was much debate on the act of indemnity. At length, it was finally settled by excepting from pardon fifty-one, who had personally taken part in the condemnation of the late monarch. These were liable to death. Vane, Lambert, and a few others, were subject to imprisonment and the forfeiture of their property. All who had sat in the high courts of justice, and about twenty more, were declared unable to hold office. The cavaliers loudly complained that this act left them without recompense for their losses and sufferings. Of those who had joined in the trial of Charles I., already twenty-five had followed their victim to the grave; nineteen had escaped to foreign countries; twentynine were in custody, the larger number having surrendered. These were brought to trial before a commission court, in October 1660. There could be no doubt as to the part they had taken, and most of them gloried in what they had done. But the trials were hurried through with an evident pre-determination to condemn, and with unnecessary circumstances of severity. They were all found guilty. Ten were executed. Harrison, Cook, Hacker, and Peters, were the principal among them: these all gloried in the act for which they suffered, contending, to the last, that it was a just and necessary proceeding. They suffered with courage and constancy the cruel mode of execution then in use. All the painful and disgusting circumstances of the quartering, while life remained, were exhibited. The people could not but remember that, during the commonwealth, these unnecessary cruelties had not been inflicted. The king was advised to discontinue these exhibitions, or, at least, not to have them so near the court as Charing Cross. The rest then condemned were kept in perpetual imprisonment. Another disgusting and useless proceeding followed. The decaying remains of Cromwell, Bradshaw, and Ireton, were taken from their coffins and hanged upon the gallows at Tyburn. Other bodies were removed from Westminster Abbey to the adjoining churchyard. There was some talk of paying magnificent honours to the remains of the late king; but, whatever might be the reason, it was stated that the exact place of his interment at Windsor could not be found. His coffin remained undiscovered for a century and a half, when it was found in the vault where the body of Henry VIII. had been deposited. The expense of another funeral, and the danger of reviving animosities, may probably have induced the council to avail themselves of the careless temper of the king, and allow the matter to rest. Considerable difficulties arose as to the restoration of property. Most of the royalists had parted with more or less of their estates to aid Charles I., or to defray the debts incurred in his service, and the fines imposed upon them. But this was by their own act. However compulsory or disadvantageous, the purchasers could not be disturbed. There was no remedy. They were left to poverty, the magnitude of this suffering class preventing compensation. The disappointed royalists said the parliament had passed an act of oblivion for the friends of the king, and of indemnity for his enemies. But the crown and church lands having been disposed of under the authority of a government now declared illegal, were reclaimed and forcibly reentered. In the end, most of the holders of the royal estates were permitted to retain them on favourable terms. A different course was pursued with the church lands. They were disposed of anew, and to the most advantage, the settlement resting with the restored or new incumbents. Many of them, indeed, had been severe sufferers during the commonwealth, but the benefits arising from the fines or leases, renewed with the advantage of the many lives which had dropped during the twenty years, allowed very large sums to some of them. Burnet states these fines at a million and a half, and observes it was unreasonable to let those then promoted carry off so great a treasure, which might have been applied to the increase of small livings, or in other measures for the general good, while, with this sudden accession of wealth, there broke in upon the church a great deal of luxury and high living; many gave themselves up to ease and sloth. In Scotland and Ireland, the royal authority was restored without conditions. Of late years, justice had been administered in them by English commissioners, as in conquered countries; this was discon | tinued, and the old forms of government were ordered to be resumed. The earl of Middleton, assisted by other nobles, Glencairn, Lauderdale, and Rothes, with others, were intrusted with the government of Scotland, where a parliament or convention of estates was assembled in January, 1661, by which the Presbyterian kirk was suppressed, and the most arbitrary enactments passed, even annulling all parliamentary proceedings since the year 1633-a most dangerous precedent, being destructive of all legal security. The marquis of Argyle was executed after a partial and unfair trial. Guthrie, a minister, and an officer named Gowan, also suffered. The Scottish nation appeared to be stupified with these violent measures; but they led to a decided re-action in a few years. Sharp, who deserted the Presbyterian kirk, the cause of which he had been employed to plead, was placed at the head of the Scottish Episcopal church. Fourteen prelates were appointed, among whom Leighton was the only pious character, and from these all ministers, not already episcopally ordained, were required to receive orders, though some of the prelates themselves had not received such ordination. The state of matters that followed, especially in the west, is fully described by Burnet. A large number of the Presbyterian ministers refused to comply, and were expelled from their cures. He says that the new incumbents were generally very mean and despicable, the worst preachers he ever heard, ignorant to a reproach, and many of them openly vicious, a disgrace to their order and the sacred functions. of them who rose above contempt or scandal, were men of such violent tempers that they were as much hated as the others were despised. The churches generally were forsaken; many were brought before the council and the new ecclesiastical commission, for pretended riots and for using their ministers ill, but chiefly for not coming to church, and for holding conventicles. often were presumptions rather than clear evidence, but great numbers were cast into prison, where they were kept long and ill used; sometimes they were fined, and the younger sort whipped about the streets. These proceedings soon led to more determined and open resistance. Those The proofs The military and others who held rule in Ireland, submitted at once to the restoration. In November, 1660, a royal declaration in October, enjoining the bishops to act with the assistance of a part of their clergy, and that the reading of the liturgy, observance of ceremonies, and subscription to the articles, should not be required from those who conscientiously objected thereto. Upon this, Reynolds accepted the bishopric of Norwich, but a bill being brought into parliament to give a legal settlement of the question, the lord chancellor caused it to be rejected. declaration was sent forth, confirming the | the leading divines, the king issued a present settlement of property in that country, for the most part. While ordering the restoration of their estates to all who had not taken an active part in the late public proceedings, this was so clogged as to allow very few to claim that benefit. Only a few of the many claimants received compensation, Thus, the greater portion of the landed property passed over to the Protestants, or, rather, the latter were confirmed in their possessions. It is unnecessary here to enter into details of the various efforts of the dispossessed, in subsequent years, to obtain a settlement more favourable to themselves. The great evil arising from this state of things, was, that it left Ireland in the position of a conquered country, without any efforts to amalgamate the settlers and the natives. It was, indeed, unhappily the interest of many to keep up hostile feelings, both civil and religious; and thus every political evil was increased instead of being lessened, and the painful results are fully apparent at the present day. On December 29th, the parliament was dissolved. A few days afterwards, a few fanatics, headed by a man named Venner, rose in arms, proclaiming a fifth monarchy, under King Jesus. They were speedily suppressed, about twenty being killed. Several were taken prisoners and executed. The coronation took place on April 23rd, 1661. It was attended and followed with rejoicings, which were also excited by the elections. The whole nation seemed intoxicated with their loyal feelings; and many broke out into excess of riot; drunkenness was universal through the land, and all who rebuked the general profligacy, were insulted and abused as republicans. cavaliers desired to have done away with the protection afforded to the existing state of property by the act of indemnity; but Clarendon did not venture upon such a proceeding, and the sum of 60,000%. only was voted for these sufferers. Most of them, indeed, had sought what they considered to be their own interests, while supporting the cause of Charles I. In England, considerable difficulties arose as to the church preferments. The Episcopalian clergy had been driven out by the Presbyterians. But the latter found their influence diminish by the rise In this state of national feeling, the of the Independents, and for the most members returned were, for the most part promoted the restoration. The king part, thoroughly devoted to the court. was, therefore, in a dilemma. Either he Several measures were passed, all calcumust put out those who had lately ren-lated to strengthen the monarchy. The dered him essential services; or he must give up those who had suffered in the cause which was unitedly that of his father and their own. He also looked to the latter for most support in future, and their views in other respects were most congenial to his own. At first a middle way was pursued. The former establishment was restored, as a matter of course; but offers of bishoprics were made to Reynolds, Baxter, and other Presbyterians, while those who held benefices, the prior holders of which were dead or did not reclaim them, were considered as the incumbents. The Independents, however, were wholly excluded by the conditions imposed, and the final settlement of religion was to rest with the legislature. The subject was debated early in July, but the proceedings were purposely drawn out by referring the questions to the king, with a petition that he should assemble some divines to discuss the matter. The king applied for increased moneygrants. These were given; but he still remained oppressed with debts. There were faults both ways. Heavy arrears were not cleared off; and the funds granted fell short of the estimates. A considerable expenditure was requisite for the government; but these difficulties were increased by the reckless improvidence of the king, and the profligate nature of his expenses. It was evident that he was unduly burdened, and inadequately supplied; but it was also plain that whatever funds he received would be squandered without care or principle. After various communications between The result was disastrous to the nation. In all his leading measures, he was influenced by this pressure, and cared not what sacrifice he made of the national interest or private welfare. A law, called the corporation act, was passed in December, which had the effect of displacing all officers opposed to the high monarchical proceedings and principles then adopted. The liturgy was revised, after long, fruitless conferences and debates between the leaders of the two chief ecclesiastical parties. On May 19th, the act of uniformity was passed, enforcing the use of the amended form in all churches, and that all persons holding benefices should subscribe, by St. Bartholomew's day, the 24th August, 1662, their unfeigned assent and consent to every thing contained and prescribed in the Book of Common Prayer, including the offices lately drawn for the 29th of May and 30th of January. Bishop Burnet says, "Now all the concerns that seemed to employ the bishops' thoughts, was to make the terms of conformity much stricter than before the war. Care was taken that nothing should be altered, as it had been moved by the Presbyterians; for it was resolved to gratify them in nothing." | would fall under the deprivation. Baxter said that, if the terms of the king's declaration had been stood to, he did not believe that above three hundred would have been deprived. Such is the substance of the account given by one who himself afterwards became a bishop of the same church. It is estimated that above two thousand ministers were ejected by this proceeding; among them were many of those most eminent for piety, learning, and abilities. A blow was thereby inflicted upon the established church, from which it suffered most severely. Outward conformity may, in some degree, have been attained by the fatal measure, but it was one great cause of that spiritual deadness which soon overspread the church, and from which it has never wholly recovered. To enlarge upon the painful subject here would be out of place; there are few even of those most opposed to the doctrinal views of the ejected ministers, who will not admit that the precipitancy and haste with which the measure was urged, is deeply to be regretted, and wholly indefensible. It is, indeed, but too probable that the Papists secretly stimulated both parties to extremities, hoping that so large a number might be excluded from the national church that indulgence would be necessary, in which they might participate. The king soon sought to introduce such a measure, but the Nonconformists did not desire privileges to themselves, if only to be purchased by concessions which they considered must be destructive to the Protestant religion. The lords did not willingly consent to these measures; but the high-church party was triumphant; and an attempt to refer to the king's declaration from Breda, as engaging for more liberty of conscience, was fruitless. The Nonconformists and Romanists both were disappointed, and exposed to proceedings and penalties which they in vain pleaded were contrary to that declaration. When this act was brought into the House of Commons, many apprehended that so severe a proceeding would have bad effects. No maintenance was provided for those to be deprived a severity neither practised by queen Elizabeth in enacting her measures, nor by Cromwell in depriving the royalist clergy, in which cases a fifth part of the benefice was reserved for their subsistence. The day was fixed so as to deprive the ministers of the income of the preceding year, the tithes being generally considered as due at Michaelmas. The Presbyterians remembered the massacre of St. Bartholomew's day at Paris ninety years before, and compared the one to the other. The printing of the Book of Common Prayer went on so slowly that a great number were unable to see it, and many, well affected to the church, but who conscientiously objected to subscribe to a book they had not seen, left their benefices on that very account. It seemed expected that the clergy should subscribe to a book they had never seen, which, indeed, was done by too many. When the day drew near, many of the council hesitated at putting the act strictly into execution: but archbishop Sheldon press-prisonment till his death. Others would ed the execution of the law; he seemed to apprehend that a very small number Three more of the regicides, and Vane, were executed early in 1662. The trial of the latter again showed the disregard of the judges to the forms of justice. At his execution, drummers and trumpeters were placed under the scaffold, to prevent his dying declarations from being heard. Lambert was condemned, but kept in im also have suffered, but the king and his ministers had now learned that these 22 OPERATION OF THE HOLY SPIRIT. executions were injurious to the royal | Charles's sale. However, it was unknown cause; and though Charles had been present at some of the executions, and had personally urged the death of Vane, he was not of a sanguinary temper: though vice made him unfeeling, he did not de- | light in blood. at the time, that this was but a small matter in the treaties between the two monarchs, by which the king engaged to aid Charles in his efforts to establish arbitrary power, and by which the king of England became a pensioner of France. During 1663, the same course was pursued. Pepys, in his Diary, of May 16th, this year, says, "The king desires nothing but pleasures, and hates the very sight or thought of business. If any of the sober counsellors give him good advice, and move him in any thing that is to his good and honour, the other part, which are his counsellors of pleasure, take him when he is with my lady Castlemaine, and in a humour of delight, and then persuade him that he ought not to hear or listen to the advice of those old dotards or counsellors." The king's brothers imitated his profligacy immediately on their return to England. Henry, the duke of Gloucester, the best character of the three, died in September, of the small pox. The duke of York had previously been secretly affianced to the daughter of Hyde, the lord chancellor. After much opposition by the queen-mother and the royal family, this marriage was avowed, and her rights admitted. A series of political manœuvres followed relative to a marriage for the king, in which the French court took an active part. It was soon seen that the king would not marry any Pro- When the parliament met in February, testant princess; and in May, 1662, he the king recommended indulgence towas married to the infanta of Portugal, wards the Nonconformists. In this he with whom he had a dowry of 350,000l., | desired to obtain relief to the Papists, his and the possession of Tangier and Bom- secret advisers, trusting that some meabay. She was amiable; and Charles sure might be adopted which would might have been comparatively happy lessen their present disabilities, under the with her, but for his vile conduct in form of general exemption. The parliamaintaining intercourse with his mis- ment objected, and in compliance with tresses, even forcing the queen to re- the national feeling, the Popish priests ceive as an attendant the chief favourite were ordered to quit the kingdom. of the day, against the remonstrances of Clarendon and his best advisers. For a time the life of the queen was endangered by illness, partly resulting from his conduct; but when her life was despaired of, and even when he had evinced real sorrow for the moment, on leaving her he resorted to his mistress as usual. The details of his wicked and unfeeling conduct in this matter, are fully given by contemporaries and indisputable authority. Other monarchs and other men have been equally licentious and wicked in disregarding their marriage vows; but no one in modern times ever acted in the public and shameless manner in which Charles forced his queen openly to admit his vile paramours to her company, and to treat them with attention, and even outward respect. If there were no other evidence, this is enough to prove him a base and heartless wretch. The money the king had received with the princess of Portugal was soon squandered. His necessities then led to a disgraceful act-the sale of Dunkirk to the French monarch for five millions of livres. The people could not but contrast Cromwell's acquiring this important place with An attempt was made to displace Hyde, the earl of Clarendon, who was now become very unpopular. He was unjustly considered the adviser of the sale of Dunkirk. Having begun a splendid residence without due consideration of the expense, it attracted notice, and was called by the populace Dunkirk House: a view of this mansion from a contemporary print, is given on page 17. Articles accusing him of high treason were exhibited in the House of Lords in July, bý the earl of Bristol; but the matters alleged were declared by the judges not to amount to treason; and such a proceeding by one peer against another could not be entertained. Thus more than three years of the reign of Charles II. had passed; and, to the considerate mind, future prospects were most unsatisfactory. OPERATION OF THE HOLY SPIRIT. THE office of the Holy Ghost with the apostles was not merely to show them things new respecting Christ, but to make them see things both new and old. The former of his functions has now ceased; nor have we reason to believe that, dur |