ing within the gunwhale six or seven empty and air-tight water casks, or oil casks if they are within reach-a plan that has been found so efficacious in giving buoyancy, that sailors who have tried it have no hesitation in putting to sea in such a boat with a hole bored through her bottom.

The whole expense of the apparatus invented by Captain Marby, we understand, amounts to about 10/.; and we have no hesitation in delivering our opinion, that sets should be deposited, at the public expense, at intervals of about ten or a dozen miles, along all the dangerous coasts of the United Kingdom; that is, along all those coasts where, from the flatness of the shore, vessels driven upon it will strike within two hundred yards of the land. Many parts of England, Scotland, and Ireland come under this description. And if, in addition to this precaution, the activity of the fishermen and villagers on the coasts was stimulated by a bounty, in the way of head money, for the life of each mariner saved out of a wreck by this process, at least in every case of difficulty and hazard, when the people concerned risk their own lives in the attempt, the provision would be a wise one, and worthy of the justice and humanity of a British board of admiralty.

It is highly creditable to Captain Manby, that he had no sooner completed his invention and carried it into operation on the coast of Norfolk, than he addressed a letter to the magistrates of that county, exhorting them by very forcible reasons to institute a "Society for the relief of shipwrecked mariners;" and specifically for providing them with such clothing and necessaries as may in different cases be required, and for assisting them to their homes. It is no less creditable to the magistracy of that distinguished county, that they immediately answered the call, and instituted a society for the purposes proposed. Captain Manby calls upon the other maritime counties to follow the example in the following words, which do equal credit to his feelings and to his judgment.

"I cannot, however, feel satisfied, and leave the work of humanity half perfected. That the shipwrecked mariner, if preserved, is brought on shore, worn out with bodily fatigue, and mental horror and agitation, with limbs benumbed and swollen with wet and cold; destitute, most probably, of either linen or clothes, except those on his back, wet, drenched, and dripping; that he preserves neither money nor means to relieve himself, nor to procure those necessaries and comforts, which cold, hunger, and nakedness claim; that be, perhaps, is many miles distant from his family and friends, or from a port whence he might get a passage to them; these, and such like circumstances of distress, which have been realized in many instances of shipwreck, wherein I have been con

cerned, induce me to make one effort more in behalf of such sufferers, by recommending to the consideration of every county where calamities of this kind are frequently occurring, whether an alleviation of the hardships to which this valuable order of men are exposed might not be purchased at an easy rate; whether the injury of their health might not be easily repaired, or provided against, comfort administered, and themselves be helped on their way to their place of abode." P. 84.

We now take leave of this little work, which we do not scruple to own has interested us more than perhaps it consists with the apathy of mere critics to avow in its favour, by the modesty of its pretensions, the ingenuity of its contrivances, and the philanthropy of its author. The book is handsomely printed, and the wood cuts very neatly executed; the style in which it is written is perspicuous, and well suited to the object in view; and it is with great cordiality that we recommend it to the notice of those who have the same propensity with ourselves for accumulating, in a favourite corner of their library, the records of those disinterested exertions of talent in the cause of benevolence, which distinguish this age and country from any that are to be found in the history of the world.

ART. XXVI.-Authentic Correspondence and Documents explaining the Proceedings of the Marquis Wellesley and of the Earl of Moira in the recent Negociations for the Formation of an Administration. London: Phillips. 1812, 1st Edition. THE documents relating to this interesting and extraordinary subject, being now transfused through the authentic medium of the newspapers into the above-mentioned pamphlet, have become to us a legitimate object of attention; and we cannot possibly let the present Number pass through our hands without giving to our readers what appears to us to be the clue of these very singular proceedings. From the floating mass of information and reports, it is difficult for the generality of persons, particularly for those at a distance from the scene of action, to extract an authentic and consistent statement even for the satisfaction of their own minds. Yet there never was a period in which the opinions of leading individuals were of more practical importance to the It is, therefore, of the utmost moment that they should have a clear and distinct view, unbiassed by the arts of any party, of the real results, and probable consequences of the late negociations for office. If then we have acquired by our former ex

state.

ertions any credit with the public for independence of judgment, and for seeing, with some degree of clearness, what is passing under our eyes, we trust that the following explanation of the late events will not be unacceptable.

On the horrible crime from which they took their rise, we shall not detain our readers with any comments, except by remarking that the mind of the assassin appears to us to have been one of the greatest moral curiosities ever submitted to the contemplation of a philosopher;-curious, as well in the degree, as in the nature of the depravity which it exhibited.

We shall at once proceed to the consequences which his act has had upon the several parties in the state, and what is more important, upon the welfare and interests of the country. But in entering upon this detail, we shall not think it necessary to investigate minutely the purport and bearings of the statement*

This statement not being published with the other papers in the pamphlet before us, we give it in the following note. It appeared in the newspapers a few days AFTER the assassination of Mr. Perceval.

"Lord Wellesley expressed his intention to resign, because his general opinions, for a long time past, on various important questions, had not sufficient weight to justify him towards the public, or towards his own character, in continuing in office; and because he had no hope of obtaining from the cabinet (as then constituted) a greater portion of attention than he had already experienced.

Lord Wellesley's objections to remaining in the cabinet arose, in a great degree, from the narrow and imperfect scale on which the efforts in the peninsula were conducted. It was always stated to him by Mr. Perceval, that it was impracticable to enlarge that system. The cabinet followed Mr. Perceval implicitly. Lord Wellesley thought that it was perfectly practicable to extend the plan in the peninsula; and that it was neither safe nor honest towards this country or the allies, to continue the present contracted scheme. No hope existed of Mr. Perceval, or of any of his colleagues: no alternative, therefore, remained for Lord Wellesley but to resign, or to submit to be the instrument of a system which he never advised, and which he could not approve.

Lord Wellesley had repeatedly, with great reluctance, yielded his opinions to the cabinet on many other important points. He was sincerely convinced by experience, that in every such instance he had submitted to opinions more incorrect than his own; and had sacrificed to the object of accommodation and temporary harmony, more than he could justify in point of strict public duty. In fact, he was convinced by experience, that the cabinet neither possessed ability nor knowledge to devise a good plan, nor temper and discernment to adopt what he now thought necessary, unless Mr. Perceval should concur with Lord Wellesley. To Mr. Perceval's judgment or attainments Lord Wellesley (under the same experience) could not pay any deference, without injury to the public service.

With these views and sentiments, on the 16th of January, Lord Wellesley merely desired permission to withdraw from the cabinet; not requiring any change in his own situation, and imploring no other favour than the facility of resignation. This plain request was notified to the Prince Regent and to Mr. Perceval as nearly as possible at the same moment of time; with the expression of Lord Wellesley's wish, that the precise time of his resignation might be accommodated to the pleasure of his Royal Highness, and to the convenience of Mr. Perceval, aş soon as the restrictions should expire.

The Prince Regent received this notification with many gracious expressions of

published by the friends of Marquis Wellesley, (as it now appears against his consent), though it is admitted to contain the sub

regret; and Mr. Perceval, in writing, used expressions of regret, and also of thanks for the manner in which Lord Wellesley had signified his wish to resign.

Mr. Perceval, without any communication to Lord Wellesley, instantly attempted to induce the Prince Regent to remove him before the expiration of the restrictions; and repeatedly urged the attempt with great earnestness; severally proposing Lord Moira, Lord Castlereagh, and Lord Sidmouth, or some of his party, to supersede Lord Wellesley without an hour of delay. Mr. Perceval never gave any intimation to Lord Wellesley of these proceedings, nor even of his wish for Lord Wellesley's immediate retirement.

The Prince Regent still pressing Lord Wellesley to retain the seals, he submitted to his Royal Highness's commands; declaring, at the same time, his anxious desire to be liberated, as soon as his Royal Highness should establish his government.

When it appeared, at the expiration of the restrictions, that the Prince Regent intended to continue Mr. Perceval's government, Lord Wellesley again tendered the seals to his Royal Highness with increased earnestness. On that occasion, being informed that his Royal Highness was still at liberty, and was resolved to form his Cabinet according to his Royal Highness's own views, and being commanded to state his opinions on the subject, Lord Wellesley declared, that in his judgment the Cabinet ought to be formed, first, on an intermediary principle respecting the Roman Catholic claims, equally exempt from the extremes of instant, unqualified concession, and of peremptory, eternal exclusion; and, secondly, on an understanding that the war should be conducted with adequate vigour. Lord Wellesley said, that he personally was ready to serve with Mr. Perceval on such a basis; that he never again would serve under Mr. Perceval in any circumstances. He said, that he would serve under Lord Moira, or Lord Holland, on the proposed principles; but that he desired no office, and entertained no other wish than to be instrumental in forming such an administration for the Prince Regent, as should be consistent with his Royal Highness's honour, conciliatory towards Ireland, and equal to the conduct of the war on a scale of sufficient extent. He made no exception to any prime minister but Mr. Perceval, whom he considered to be incompetent to fill that office, although sufficiently qualified for inferior stations. He offered to act under any other person approved by his Royal Highness; but he stated, that his own views rendered him much more anxious to resign instantly.

The Prince Regent commanded Lord Wellesley to continue, until his Royal Highness should have communicated with Mr. Perceval through the Lord Chancellor. Lord Wellesley stated, that such a communication must prove useless, but submitted to his Royal Highness's earnest desire. In two days afterwards Lord Wellesley received, through the Lord Chancellor, the Prince Regent's acceptance of his resignation, and accordingly delivered the seals to his Royal Highness on the 19th of February, 1812."

Mr. Perceval's friends published an official answer to this statement in the Courier newspapers of May 21 and 22;-in which they observed upon the moment so ungenerously selected for the publication;-upon the improbability of any very important differences having really existed in the cabinet, without a single document for their support. They also stated, that every disposition had been manifested in the cabinet to give all possible assistance to the cause of the peninsula ; -that nothing was ever denied to Lord Wellesley which was not proved even to his own satisfaction to be impracticable. Also, that Lord Wellesley first announced to the Prince Regent his positive determination to resign, taken upon grounds that would admit of no compromise with his colleagues ;-without saying a word on the subject to Mr. Perceval, the head of the administration, who learned it to his great surprise from his royal master, and who was therefore bound to use bis best and earliest exertions to recommend a proper successor as soon as possible. If

stance of his opinions. Neither shall we closely criticise the letters that have passed between that noble lord, Mr. Canning, the opposition, and the present ministers. These, with the exception of the statement, constitute "the authentic documents and correspondence" referred to at the head of our article; and we shall think it sufficient occasionally to appeal to them, if necessary, for the purpose of elucidating the opinions of their writers.

So sudden a catastrophe came down upon our politicians like a stream of lava upon the peaceful and industrious village. Each man was occupied in his particular objects for his own or his country's advantage, and could have inade no arrangements for an event so much out of all human calculation. And it is very much from this circumstance that the difficulties have arisen. Could the two statesmen, to whose accession to office every one looked with confidence as the probable substitute for him whom we all deplore, could they have foreseen the contingency, we do not think that they would either of them have pledged themselves so decidedly on the question concerning the Catholics; nor one of them on the subject relating to the currency. And we think that we are authorised by their previous conduct, and the nature of their opinions on those questions, in venturing this judgment. Their motives we presume not to investigate, but it is evident, that if they had abstained from those pledges, the formation of such a ministry as Parliament called for in its address to the Prince Regent would have been concluded in time to prevent the supposed necessity of that address.

Such a ministry, however, not having been formed, it appeared to a few honourable and independent country gentlemen, (who were said to have lately dined with another honourable gentleman pointed out in one of the abortive arrangements as a cabinet minister expectant, where such topics of conversation would naturally arise), that the government as it stood, without further assistance, was not so efficient with respect to personal talent as the arduous state of public affairs seemed to re quire; at least, that it would be desirable, if it were possible, to add to its efficiency. The result of this impression upon the minds of many other gentlemen produced an address to the Prince Regent, of such a nature, that if it was not of indispensable duty, it was at least of indispensable necessity, that the Crown

the facts stated in this answer be correct, that man must be blind indeed, who does not see the design with which this tender of resignation was made to the Sovereign without the privity of the minister.