a The Army of the Northern Department was discharged on the 5th of November, 1783, and that in the Southern States on the 15th of November, 1783. (War Office of the United States, May 10, 1790. H. Knox, Secretary of War. American State Papers, Military Affairs.)

The number of soldiers furnished by the several States to the Continental Army during the war was as follows:

The number of militia furnished by the several States during the war, according to the returns and conjectural estimates of the Secretary of War, was 164,087.a

Total Continentals and militia furnished during the war, 395,858. If we examine these figures, it will appear that in 1776, when the aggregate number of our troops reached 89,600, the British had but 20,121, and that from that time our number steadily dwindled down to 29,340 in 1781, while the British strength constantly increased till it reached 42,075.

Looking back at the whole Revolutionary struggle, notwithstanding our employment from first to last of almost 400,000 men, we find that but two military events had a direct bearing upon the expulsion of the British. One of these was the capture of Burgoyne; the other that of Cornwallis-an event which was only made possible by the cooperation of a French army and a French fleet.

SUPREMACY OF THE STATES.

When extravagance and disaster had ruined the credit of the Government so that Congress no longer felt able to carry on the war successfully, the project of a confederation of the States was brought forward as the only means by which the contest could be prolonged. Fortunately for our country when this change in its form of government actually took place, complications in European politics had given us powerful allies, first in France and afterwards Spain.

Under the confederation, authority to arm and equip troops being left wholly to the States, they necessarily became more or less independent of Congress. In May, 1779, without consulting the Commander in Chief, the people of Boston fitted out a military and naval expedition of nearly four thousand men for the purpose of capturing a British force, seven to eight hundred strong, which had established a post near the mouth of the Penobscot. The garrison was besieged until the 13th of August, when the arrival of a British fleet compelled its assailants to destroy their transports, take to the woods, and make their way home through the wilderness as best they could. Congress having assumed later the expense of this ill-advised undertaking, its sole effect was to deplete the national treasury.

Still graver complications were liable to occur under the system of confederation, as was strikingly illustrated by the action of the governor of Virginia. General Greene, while operating near Fort Ninetysix, in South Carolina, and impatiently awaiting the militia ordered by Congress, was apprised that Governor Jefferson had detained the Virginia contingent and ordered it to remain for the defense of the State.

In a letter dated June 27, Greene represents the confusion and danger to which such an interference gave rise:

The tardiness and finally the countermanding of the militia ordered to join this army has been attended with the most mortifying and disagreeable consequences. Had they taken the field in time and in force we should have completed the reduction of all the enemy's outposts in this country, and for want of which we have been obliged to raise the siege of Ninety-six after having the town closely besieged for upward of twenty days, and where four more would have completed its reduction. For want of the militia the approaches went on slow and the siege was rendered bloody and tedious.

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The high respect which I ever wish to pay to the prerogatives of every State induces me to question with all due deference the propriety of your excellency's order for countermanding the militia which were directed to join this army. No general plan can ever be undertaken with safety when partial orders may interrupt its progress. Nor is it just to the common interest that local motives should

it to be the prerogative of a governor to order the force belonging to a State as he may think necessary for the protection of its inhabitants. But those that are ordered out upon the Continental establishment are only subject to the orders of their officers. Without this just and necessary distribution there would be endless confusion and ruinous disappointments. I only mention these things to avoid a misunderstanding in future. I have no wish for command further than the interest and happiness of the people are concerned, and I hope everybody is convinced of this, from my zeal to promote the common safety of the good people of these Southern States. I feel for the sufferings of Virginia, and if I had been supported here in time I should have been there before this with a great part of our cavalry.a The wretched condition of the Army during the later years of the war was another baleful effect of the quasi independence of the States under the new system.

Though in many parts of the country supplies were abundant, in spite of the ravages of war, yet from the north to the south hunger and nakedness everywhere prevailed in the Continental garrisons and camps.

General Heath on the 6th of May, 1781, wrote to Washington reporting the distress of the garrison at West Point:

I hoped I should not have been compelled again to represent our situation on account of provisions, but supplies of meat have not arrived. All the Irish beef in the store has been gone for some days; we are at last forced in upon the reserves. That in Fort Clinton has all been taken out this day. The pork which was ordered to be reserved is all issued, except about 16 barrels. The boats are now up from below for provisions, with representations that they are out; the reserves will be gone in a few days if relief does not arrive, and hunger must inevitably disperse the troops. If the authority will not order on supplies, I will struggle to the last moment to maintain the post; but regard to my own character compels me to be thus explicit—that if any ill consequences happen to this post, or its dependencies, through want of provisions, I shall not hold myself accountable for them.

With no general government to which appeal for relief could be made, Washington replied on the 8th:

Distressed beyond expression at the present situation and future prospects of the Army with regard to provisions, and convinced with you that, unless an immediate and regular supply can be obtained, the most dangerous consequences are to be apprehended, I have determined to make one great effort more on the subject, and must request that you will second and enforce my representations to, and requisitions upon, the New England States by your personal application to the several executives, and even assemblies, if sitting, as I suppose they will be in the course of this month.

From your intimate knowledge of our embarrassed and distressed circumstances, and great personal influence with the Eastern States, I am induced to commit the execution of this interesting and important business to you, and wish you to set out on this mission as early as may be convenient.

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The next day Washington sent General Heath the following instructions:

You will be pleased to proceed immediately to the several eastern States with the dispatches addressed to the governors of Connecticut, Rhode Island, Massachusetts Bay, and the president of New Hampshire, on the subject of supplies for the Army.

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The great objects of your attention and mission are, first, an immediate supply of beef cattle; second, the transportation of all the salted provisions in the western part of Connecticut and Massachusetts, and, third, the establishment of a regular systematic, effectual plan for feeding the Army through the campaign. Unless the two former are effected, the garrison of Fort Schuyler must inevitably, that of West Point may probably, fall, and the whole Army be disbanded; without the latter,

a Greene's Life of General N. Greene, vol. 3, pp. 555, 556.

the same perplexing wants, irregularities, and distress, which we have so often experienced, will incessantly occur, with eventual far greater evils, if not final ruin. With regard to the particular mode of obtaining and transporting supplies I will not presume to dictate; but something must now be attempted on the spur of the occasion. I would suggest whether it would not be expedient for a committee from the several States, consisting of a few active, sensible men, to meet at some convenient place, in order to make out, upon a uniform and great scale, all the arrangements respecting supplies and transportation for the campaign. In the meantime, to avoid the impending dissolution of the Army, the States must individually comply precisely with the requisitions of the quartermaster and commissary upon them. Previous to your departure you will obtain from the quartermaster-general and commissary with the Army, the proper estimates of supplies and transportation to be required of the several States, together with all the light and information concerning their department, which may be requisite to transact the business committed to you. After having delivered the dispatches with which you are charged, and made such further representations as you may judge necessasy, you will not cease your applications and importunities until you are informed officially whether effectual measures are or will be taken to prevent the Army from starving and disbanding. a

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These instructions incidentally set forth the difficulties of making war through the combined action of thirteen distinct governments. The only method by which Washington could prevent the dispersion of an important garrison was to order its commander to quit his post, go as a suppliant before the New England assemblies, and beg them for food.

To their honor be it said that they afforded relief, and through the joint action of committees from each State, as suggested in Washington's letter, devised measures by which the Army was thenceforth regularly supplied.

CONDUCT OF THE ARMY.

An attentive consideration of the behavior of the regular, or Continental, troops during the Revolution ought to convince every American citizen that a standing army is among the least of the perils to which our freedom is exposed.

From the very beginning of the war the depreciation of the currency practically compelled the officers and men to serve without pay. Weary, naked, foot-sore, and hungry, they made long marches, endured the hardships of winter quarters, and fought their country's battles without the hope of reward. During this long period the want of food, pay, and clothing-usual causes of mutiny-were at all times pressingly felt; and yet, with the exception of a few regiments and the troops of one or two States, the Continental Army was ever true to its trust.

Even the mutiny of the Pennsylvania and New Jersey Line served to illustrate the difference between raw and regular troops. To the former, desertion was the simple and obvious remedy for discontent and ill treatment. Among the latter, a redress of grievances was coupled with loyalty to the cause. They did not mean to desert. Overpowered by a sense of their hardships and wrongs, they momentarily forgot their duty and sought to lay their sufferings before the highest tribunal of the country that it might give them relief. They did not seek to subvert the authority of Congress, but appealed to it as the fountain of justice and law.

The army could point with pride to its subordination to civil authority and to its devotion to liberty. More than this, it could

justly claim that the dictatorial powers conferred upon its commanderarbitrary arrests, summary executions without trial, forced impressment of provisions, and other dangerous precedents of the Revolution-were the legitimate fruits of the defective military legislation of our inexperienced statesmen.

Great as was the devotion of the private soldier, the patriotic record of the officer was even more brilliant. Once only did the officers of a Continental regiment combine for relief, and in this case they were under orders to march not against the British but against the Indians. In 1779, the officers of the First Regiment of the New Jersey Brigade demanded their pay from the legislature and threatened to consider themselves as out of the service if their application was not granted within three days. This summary demand was necessarily regarded as an invasion of the privileges of the assembly, but through the good offices of Washington it was withdrawn, when the legislature made haste to pay both the officers and men.

The position taken by the officers was explained to Washington as follows:

We are sorry that you should imagine we meant to disobey orders. It was and is still our determination to march with our regiment, and to do the duty of officers until the legislature shall have a reasonable time to appoint others, but no longer. We beg leave to assure Your Excellency that we have the highest sense of your ability and virtues; that executing your orders has ever given us pleasure; that we love the service, and love our country; but when that country gets so lost to virtue and justice as to forget to support its servants, it then becomes their duty to retire from its service.a * * *

From this time forward until the end of the war the whole body of officers joined hands in repressing the spirit of discontent among the soldiers, and during the mutiny of the Pennsylvania Line some of them laid down their lives in attempting to quell the insubordination

of the men.

Toward the close of the war, in December, 1782, the officers of the Army addressed Congress in reference to arrears of their pay, and as to the security for their half pay for life.

The inability of Congress to meet any of its obligations and the knowledge that several of the States had opposed the half pay for life induced the officers to propose a commutation instead.

When information reached the camp at Newburg that their proposals had not been accepted, an anonymous writer, presuming upon the discontent of the officers, circulated an address, setting forth the wrongs of the Army. With a view to induce the officers to carry their appeals "from the justice to the fears of the Government," he requested the general and field officers-one officer from each company and a delegate from the medical staff-to meet on the 11th of March, 1783, and consider "what measures (if any) should be adopted to obtain that redress of grievances which they seem to have solicited in vain."

To neutralize the effect of this address Washington, on the 11th of March, requested the general and field officers of the army-an officer from each company and representatives of the staff-to assemble on the 15th "to hear the report of the committee of the Army to Congress." He also directed the officers to "devise what further measures ought to be adopted as most rational and best calculated to attain the just and important object in view." That nothing might de done without