once more dissolved the parliament, to try morefeasible methods of removing his necessities.

The king having now made enemies of his Scotch subjects, by controlling them in their mode of worship, and of the commons by dissolving them, it remained to exasperate the city of Lon don against him by some new imprudence. Upon their refusing to lend him money to carry on the Scotch war, he sued the citizens in the Starchamber for some lands in Ireland, and made them pay a considerable fine. He continued also to exact all the taxes against which every former parliament had remonstrated; but all were insufficient. A loan of forty thousand pounds was extorted from the Spanish merchants who had bullion in the Tower, exposed to the attempts of the king. Coat and conduct money for the soldiers was levied on the counties; an ancient practice, but supposed to be abolished by the petition of right. All the pepper was bought from the East India company upon trust, and sold at a great discount for ready money. A scheme was proposed for coining two or three hundred thousand pounds of base money; and yet all these methods were far from being effectual. The Scotch, therefore, sensible of the extremities to which he was reduced, led on an army of twenty thousand men as far as Newcastle upon Tyne, to lay their grievances before their sovereign, as they were pleased to term their rebellion. One of the most disgusting strokes in the puritanical character of the times, was this gentle language and humble cant, in the midst of treason; and their flattery to their prince, while they were attempting to dethrone and destroy

him.

To these troops, inspired by religion, flushed with some slight victories obtained over straggling parties of the royalists, and encouraged by the

English

English themselves, among whom they continued, the king was able to oppose only a smaller force, new levied, undisciplined, seditious, and ill paid. Being thererore in despair of stemming the torrent, he at last yielded to it. He first summoned a great council of peers to York; and, as he foresaw that they would advise him to call a parliament, he told them in his first speech that he had already taken that resolution. Having thus prepared

for his misfortunes, he a short time af- Nov 3. ter called that long parliament, which 1640. never discontinued sitting till they finally accomplished his ruin.

CHAP.

THE a

HE ardent expectations of men with regard to a parliament at such a critical juncture, and during such general discontents, might naturally engage the attendance of the members on their duty. The house of commons was never, from its first institution, observed to be so numerous, or the assiduity of its members greater. Without any interval, therefore, they entered upon business; and by unanimous consent they struck a blow that might be regarded as decisive. Instead of granting the demanded subsidies, they impeached the earl of Strafford, the king's first minister, and had him arraigned before the house of peers for high treason. Pym, a tedious, but sensible speaker, who had first opened the accusation against him in the house of commons, was sent up to defend it at the bar of the house of lords; and most of the house accompanied their member on so agreeable an errand.

To bestow the greatest solemnity on this important trial, scaffolds were erected in Westminster Hall, where both houses sat, the one as judges, the other as accusers. Beside the chair of state, a close gallery was prepared for the king and queen, who attended during the whole trial. The articles of impeachment against him were twentyeight in number, the substance of which was, that he had attempted to extend the king's authority at home, and had been guilty of several exactions in Ireland. But though four months were employed by the managers in framing the accusation, yet there appears very little just cause of blame in him,

since the stretches of the king's power were made. before he came into authority. However, the managers for the house of commons pleaded against him with vehemence stronger than their reasons,. and summed up their arguments, in insisting, that, though each article taken separately did not amount. to a proof, yet the whole taken together might be fairly concluded to carry conviction. This is a method of arguing frequently used in the English, courts of justice even at this day; and perhaps. none can be more erroneous; for almost every falsehood may be found to have a multiplicity of weak reasons to support it. In this tumult of aggravation and clamour, the earl himself, whose parts and wisdom had been long respectable, stood unmoved and undaunted. He defended his cause with all the presence of mind, judgment and sa-, gacity, that could be expected from innocence and ability. His children were placed beside him as he was thus defending his life, and the cause of his, master, After he had in a long and eloquent speech, delivered without premeditation, confuted all the accusations of his enemies; after he had shewn that during his government in Ireland, he had introduced the arts of peace among the savage part of that people; after he had declared, that though his measures in England were harsh, he shewed the necessity by which he was driven into them, since his coming over; after he had clearly. refuted the argument upon the accumulative force of his guilt, he thus drew to a conclusion." "my lords, I have troubled yout

But

long; longer than I should have done, but for the sake of "these dear pledges, which a saint in heaven has left me."Upon this he paused, dropped at tear, looked upon his children, and proceeded.-"What I forfeit for myself is a trifle; that my "indiscretions should reach my posterity, wounds

"me to the heart-Pardon my infirmity. "Something I should have added, but am not "able; therefore let it pass. And now, my lords, "for myself; I have been long taught that the "afflictions of this life are overpaid by that eter"nal weight of glory which awaits the innocent; "and so, my lords, even so, with the utmost tran"quillity, I submit myself to your judgment, "whether that judgment be life or death: not my

will, but thine, O God, be done." His eloquence and innocence induced those judges to pity, who were the most zealous to condemn him. The king himself went to the house of lords, and spoke for some time in his defence; but the spirit of vengeance that had been chained for eleven years, was now rouzed, and nothing but his blood could give the people satisfaction. He was found guilty by both houses of parliament; and nothing remained but for the king to give his consent to the bill of attainder. But in the present commotions the consent of the king was a thing that would very easily be dispensed with; and imminent dangers might attend his refusal. Yet still Charles, who loved Strafford tenderly, hesitated, and seemed reluctant, trying every expedient to put off so dreadful a duty, as that of signing the warrant for his execution. While he continued in this agitation of mind, not knowing how to act, his doubts were at last silenced by an act of heroic bravery in the condemned lord. He received a letter from that unfortunate nobleman, desiring that his life might be made the sacrifice of a mutual reconciliation between the king and his people; adding, that he was prepared to die,and to a willing mind there could be no injury. This instance of noble generosity was but ill repaid by his master, who complied with his request. He consented to the signing the fatal bill by commission; Strafford was be

headed