in public: we have brought our country to the brink of ruin: we confess it is not in our power to extricate it from the various calamities under which it suffers, and the much greater ones with which it is threatened; but we must remain in place, because somebody has said so. His grace next lamented the fatal effects of influence; whence all the public calamities had originated. The impropriety of displacing ministers without any proof of delinquency, was much urged both without and within doors. He denied that dismission implied guilt; it might imply incapacity, and that not always. Want of public confidence, not being able to command the hearts and purses of the nation, might be a good cause of removal. But this argument conveyed a very extraordinary idea; no less than that every man in office had a right to possess his place as a matter of property, and when displaced suffered an injury. This was a mode of reasoning he could never accede to. The emoluments of office were supposed to be given for public services in stations and offices: when, therefore, all further services terminated, there the claim likewise ended, and the party dismissed had no right to complain. He could speak from experience. He was once in a high responsible office himself; and maintained opinions both in that House, and elsewhere [in the cabinet]. Those opinions, perhaps, were not approved of. No matter whether or not; he was dismissed from his office: yet he never understood nor felt his dismission as an injurious act, or as conveying any imputation of guilt.

He was sorry to disagree with the noble duke, as to his sentiments respecting our conduct towards France; for let America be or be not declared independent, he looked upon a war with France as inevitable. He said, it had been reported for some days past that he was coming into administration, and to preside at the head of the Admiralty; he believed the report to be ill founded; he would answer that it was, so far as he knew; but if any such promotion was really in contemplation, he heartily united in opinion, that a seaman should always preside at that board; and expressed his approbation of filling that important office with the very able seaman (admiral Keppel), if his professional services could be dispensed with.

His grace concluded with saying, that although there was a general in the cabinet, and he hoped there would be soon a sea

man at the head of the Admiralty; yet without a total change of men in the other high departments of the state, as well as system, no good was to be expected; we should still, he feared, have nothing but assertion one day, recantation a second, and despondency a third. A majority in cabinet would always have it in its power to defeat, counteract, or over-rule the best digested plans, and the wisest measures; consequently, till the present men were removed from a possibility of doing mischief, we should continue to be governed by a succession of pitiful expedients, no less weak in their texture, than disgraceful and fatal in their consequences.

Lord Lyttelton said the state of public affairs was very alarming. Ireland was in a weak and defenceless state, and England far from being so well prepared as he could wish. Our affairs in the West Indies were truly deplorable, and in the East equally precarious, if not more so; and he corroborated this assertion by informing the House that he had been informed by a French officer lately returned from the isle of Mauritius, that when he left that place, there were no less than 8,000 regular troops there and at the isle of Bourbon; a circumstance which was in his opinion sufficient to convince their lordships that France meant, in case of a rupture, to attack us in that quarter of the world. He observed every thing on the part of France denoted hostilities, and that if we were abject enough to put up with the insult, it was now too late to recede. After giving this side of the picture, his lordship held up the reverse. The noble lords on the other side, he observed, had expressed their fears of an invasion, as an event likely immediately to take place, yet however they might differ in other respects, Whig and Tory he was certain would unite on such an occasion; they would be unanimous in opinion, that if the French landed, they should be instantly attacked; and he did not doubt but they would readily hazard their lives and fortunes in the attempt to repel that foe who should have the temerity to invade Great Britain or Ireland. He could not hear, without some degree of astonishment, the language held by a noble lord in administration (Sandwich) which fairly imported, that we were not in that state of naval strength and preparation, of which his lordship had given so many repeated assurances to that House. He did not doubt but we had a great and respectable navy: but he did hope, that

his lordship would verify what he had so often said, that our navy should be at all times, at least equal, if not superior to any force France and Spain united could be able to send against us; or that we should be always prepared, in the language of the noble earl, to cope with the whole power of the House of Bourbon.

The noble duke who made the motion, founded it chiefly on the supposition, that America would not treat with us, but adhere to their vote of independence, and the measures necessary to form them selves into so many independent states. He, for his part, thought otherwise. The colonies two years since, it was insisted by the noble duke and his friends, would have acceded to terms short of those held out by the Conciliatory Bills; and he saw no reason why, if the assertion was true then, that it should not be so still. Another reason assigned by the noble duke, for urging the necessity of withdrawing the troops, was, that they would be wanting at home to defend us from an invasion; he believed that would be the last desperate experiment France would make. This bugbear had often been held out in terrorem; but now, at the end of a century, since this idea began to prevail, no instance of such an attempt had happened.

The Earl of Effingham pointed out the necessity of strengthening Canada, both on account of the disposition of the inhabitants, the weakness of the King's forces in that province, and the formidable power of the New England colonies, who could penetrate into it at pleasure, and without the least resistance. He lamented the state of the West India islands, which must, if attacked, fall an easy prey, as well as our new settlements on the Mississippi. To those very important objects he recommended the attention of administration.

The Committee divided on the motion that the Chairman leave the chair: Contents 56; Not Contents 28. The House being resumed, the duke of Richmond's Resolution was put and negatived.

The King's Message for calling out the Militia.] March 23. Lord Weymouth presented to the Lords the following Message:

"GEORGE R.

"The French king having concluded a Treaty of Amity and Commerce with his Majesty's revolted subjects in North America, and his Majesty having received ad

vice, that the warlike preparations in France become every day more considerable, his Majesty thinks that, in this critical conjuncture, he should not act consistently with the care and concern which he always feels for his faithful people, if he omitted any means in his power that may contribute to their defence: therefore, in pursuance of the acts of parliament enabling his Majesty to call out and assemble the militia, in the cases therein mentioned, his Majesty has thought proper to make this communication to the House of Lords, to the end that his Majesty may, if he shall think proper, cause the militia to be drawn out and embodied, and to march as occasion shall require."

A similar Message was presented to the Commons by lord North.

Debate in the Commons on the Bill for employing Convicts on the River Thames.] Lord North moved to bring up a Bill to continue an Act of the 16th of his Majesty, for employing convicts on the river Thames.

Mr. Burke observed, that he feared the time would come when we should put prisoners and felons to death on the principle of œconomy.

Sir W. Meredith disapproved of the mode of punishment; said it was much more severe than transportation, and totally repugnant to the general frame of our laws.

Mr. T. Townshend said the Act had not had the desired effect, for robberies were increased instead of being diminished; that in the course of the winter every day furnished a fresh account of some daring robbery or burglary; and that scarcely a night passed in which there were not robberies committed in Park-lane, and firing of pistols heard.

Sir Richard Sutton said, they robbed equally before as since the Act. He mentioned particularly the robbery of Mrs. Hutchins at Chelsea, and the horrid murder committed at Enfield.

Mr. Gascoyne said, he had been to see the convicts at work: that their punishment was far from severe; that though it was called hard labour, they did not do as much work in a day as might be done for hire for 9d. and added that they were too well fed; and were well off, for people went in thousands and gave them money, particularly ladies of the town, who, as they got their money easy, were known to be generous. He said, that Dignam was

at first dashed, and wore a broad hat, flapped, to hide his face, and did not like the wheelbarrow, but now wears a small hat, cocked, did not seem ashamed, and attended his work like the rest of his brethren. He said some of them broke away from their keepers, and as soon as they got loose, fell to their old trade of robbing and housebreaking. The worst of their punishment was a want of room and air, which made them liable to illness and distempers.

Mr. Gilbert said, the Act was meant as a temporary law, and as such he was for continuing it, till something else was substituted in its place.

Sir C. Bunbury said, it was a much more severe punishment than transportation: we still possessed several places in America, to which felons could be transported.

Mr. Whitworth said, he had been aboard the Justitia, and had conversed with the manager, who confessed the prisoners were very sickly, unless where the pitch and tar operated as a preventative.

Mr. F. Montagu was for sending the Bill to a committee. He said, he expected a Bill upon a much larger plan; but in the mean time, if that should not be practicable, he thought the present Act ought to be continued.

Mr. Burke said, the felons ought to be transported to Canada, Nova Scotia, and the Floridas.

Sir Richard Sutton moved for a committee to inquire into the measures which had been adopted for carrying the Act into execution. This was agreed to, and lord North's motion withdrawn.

Mr. Burke objects to the Charge for Scalping Knives, &c. in the Army Extraordinaries.] On the motion for agreeing with the Resolution of the Committee of Supply, that 1,406,923/. be granted for the Army Extraordinaries,

Mr. Burke moved an Amendment, by adding these words, "saving and excepting the sum of 160,8377. which appears, by sir Guy Carleton's accounts, laid before this House, to have been expended for the carrying on of a Savage War in a manner contrary to the usage of civilized nations, against the English colonies in North America; excepting also the sum of 16,000l. which appears to have been expended for the same purpose in the southern department of Indians; excepting also the sum of 5,000l. which hath been expended in carrying on a war of insurgent

negroes against the inhabitants of the province of Virginia; and excepting whatever hath been paid out of the said extraordinaries, specified in general Carleton's correspondence, for 100 Crosses, and five grose of Scalping Knives, the said expenditure being disgraceful to religion and humanity." He said, that his reason for doing so was, that he hoped an English House of Commons would never consent to pay this sum, which had been advanced to purchase hatchets, tomahawks, scalping-knives, razors, spurs, &c. for the savages of America to butcher, torture, scalp, and massacre old men, women, children, and infants

at the breast.

Debate on Colonel Barre's Motion for a Committee to enquire into the Public Expenditure.] Colonel Barré rose. He began with observing the enormous sums which had been granted for army extraordinaries for the three last years, and how shamefully they had been squandered. He read the sums granted; the detail of each year's expenditure; the particular services; and the persons who had performed the contracts. He said, when the first extraordinaries of 800,000l. came before that House, in 1776, he endeavoured to get explanations. The answer was, We have no vouchers; those cannot be had till the next year. We have as yet procured no more than an account of the sums issued, to whom issued, and the services for which they were issued. All these are not vouchers to the House; the vouchers shewing in what manner the money thus issued has been expended will come the next year. So it happened, he said, the following, and so it has happened this year. This House has each successive year been told, that they are to have the vouchers of the preceding; none have been as yet produced; but the noble lord, after his repeated and solemn promises, has thought proper to keep the parliament and nation in the dark. The same confidence, he might call it shameful confidence, and delusion on one side, and the same shameful and traitorous servility on the other.

relative to his rum contract, and agency for the line of transports for the treasury. He contended, that the rum contract was full 50 per cent. too much; that the transport service, including the commission, was a loss of 20 per cent. to the public; and that the contract for remitting money, and accepting bills given to Harley and Drummond, would be a waste of public money, little short of 30,000l. The rum contract had been referred to three merchants of the first reputation in the city, by the treasury; the result of which was, that after the merchants had made the most ample allowance, there remained an excess of profit or douceur, for somebody, of full 30 per cent. He supposed, a reasonable share to the contractor for his trouble and risk. He said, it was well known that the price of rum in the island is seldom more than 1s. 9d. the gallon; that 5d. for profit and freight was a great allowance; but did not wonder that great sums had been devoured by contracts, when the noble lord in the blue ribbon was so criminally ignorant as not to know currency from sterling. But, surely, if the noble lord was ignorant of the difference, was it not culpable in him and his colleagues at the treasury-board not to enquire of some person who was capable of informing them on the subject?—

He said, it was not even the money that was thrown away; but that that was permitted to lie in the hands of favourite placemen, favourite agents, and favourite contractors. In some instances, this money was permitted to lie in the hands of men, answering to those several descriptions, for 15 or 20 years, while this ruined distressed nation was borrowing money at upwards of 5 per cent. He remarked, that a thousand lame apologies were made day after day; such as, that there were not clerks enough in the auditor's office. Why not have clerks enough? Such, again, was the shameful pretence in the navyoffice, that they could not undertake the hiring the transport victuallers. Why not employ additional clerks, surveyors, &c.? But these were mere flimsy pretexts to blindfold the nation, and prevent them from discovering the iniquitous jobs that were daily carrying into execution. If clerks, surveyors, and commissioners were wanting, and that the precious agent and contractor, Mr. Atkinson, was able to supply them all, in his own person (that, for aught that appeared, being the case), why not employ this worthy gentleman to audit the accounts? He next turned his attention to Mr. Gordon, the inspector of provisions at Cork, who had only at the rate of upwards of 10,000l. a year for his trouble, for what might be as well, he would not say better, executed for half so many hundreds. But he was apt to suspect that poor Mr. Gordon had not all the profit set up to his account.

The colonel next proceeded to state the expences of the respective years of the late glorious war, and compare them with the first, second, and third years of the present disgraceful, ruinous, and inglorious war; and proved, that when we had more than half Europe to contend with, our expences were not near so great. Where was the balance? What our conquests? Where were our prizes? Where were our victories? We had been beaten, defeated, or baffled, in every attempt. We had spent, or would spend, by the close of the present campaign, upwards of thirty millions; and, to fill the measure of national calamity, we were on the eve of a war with France and Spain, as well as America. Here he took a more particular view of agents, contractors, splitting of profits, &c. particularly of the contracts and agencies of Harley and Drummond, on the Spanish, Portugal, and British gold coin; and the self-denying Mr. Atkinson,

He

Lord North rose in great warmth. said, he was pretty sure it was sterling; but gentlemen cried no; and he, to humour them, acquiesced, though afterwards, upon enquiry, it proved to be sterling, and that he was right.

Colonel Barré reprehended the noble lord severely for his disorder, in a strain of irony. The noble lord, said he, seems to be in a passion. I am not surprised at it. I should be surprised if he did not feel; but only mark his lordship's philosophic command of temper, he has not been the least disorderly in interrupting me; not in the least disorderly, to be sure.

Lord North rose again, and was proceeding in a high tone, when he was called to order. Continuing still on his legs, the cry of Chair! chair! succeeded. The Speaker told his lordship, that the proper time to reply, would be when the hon. gentleman had sat down.

Colonel Barré resumed. He said, the motions he meant to propose might seem rather new, because not lately practised; but there were nevertheless several precedents in the Journals in their support, particularly in 1653 and 1667; and in