maments, "with energy." How, Sir, can you spare one ship of the line from the defence of this country, in case of a French and Spanish war? Suppose you had 43 of the line manned to their full war-complement; this strength would scarcely suffice to cover your harbours and coasts; you would have no cruisers, no western-squadron. What is to become of your West India islands, your Asiatic settlements, and the important fortresses of Gibraltar and Mahon? The foreign stations, for a defensive war only against France, will require nearly 50 sail of the line; and against the two Houses of Bourbon united, you cannot do with fewer on these services than 75 or 80. Your whole present extent of the line of battle would be little better than a Mediterranean com out resistance, after beating about in bad weather 19 days, in the English Channel, which then swarmed with cruisers, dispatched to intercept his passage. In 1688, the Dutch fleet, with the prince of Orange aboard, afterwards king William the 3rd, and which consisted of 54 men of war (besides transports and other vessels, about 500) sailed from Helvoet, and stretched for the Channel. Lord Dart mouth at that time lay with the English squadron, of 61 ships of the line, at anchor in the Downs; the weather became thick and hazy, as is usual, with the wind to the southward of the east. The Dutch men of war were full seven hours before they could all stretch to the westward of the English, and extended several miles in length; yet the prince contrived to reach Torbay, and land his whole army unop-mand, with proper reliefs. When have posed; though lord Dartmouth got under way with the utmost expedition possible, and crowded sail to encounter the enemy. I am aware that some writers of that time have hinted strong suspicions against the loyalty and zeal of the British commanders; but the fact is, they used their best endeavours, and once got within sight of the Dutch rear; but the wind shifting suddenly to the westward, and coming on to blow fresh, just as the Dutch men of war had reached Torbay (or as some authors allege, overshot their destination in the night) they were enabled to fetch the landing place, while the ships in chace were forced, by the same gale, so far back as the Isle of Wight. The year after the abdication, a squadron of 14 French men of war landed king James and several of his chief military officers at Kinsale, without meeting with the English squadron dispatched to prevent their debarkation: and not long after, a second French fleet met with the same facility of landing, and put on shore a numerous foreign army, for enabling king James to dispute the possession of that kingdom with his son-in-law. But, Sir, this alarm of an invasion, and the present debilitated state of Great Britain and Ireland, will render it absolutely necessary that we reserve two-thirds of our present force for the heart of the realm. The noble lord (North) speaks in a high tone, and boasts of the "vigour of our navy:" being particeps criminis, I suspect, with the first lord of the Admiralty, rather through mischievous policy than shortsightedness. Another hon. member (the Lord Advocate of Scotland) trusts much to the exertion of our superior naval ar you seen so few as 20 sail of the line on that service, against the united power of Versailles and Madrid? In the reign of queen Anne sir George Rooke and sir Cloudesly Shovel commanded a fleet of more than 50 sail of the line in that sea; and the fleet of the enemy was full as numerous; they had 17 three-deckers. In the reign of George the 1st, sir George Byng had upwards of 20 sail of the line of battle in the Messina fight; and his force was represented as inadequate to that station. In the late king's reign the squadron under the admirals Matthews and Lestock consisted of above 40 men of war of the line; and the combined fleets of France and Spain proved fully their match. I shall perhaps be told, that in 1762, when the French and Spaniards were united against Great Britain, we had few more than 20 sail of the line of battle in the Mediterranean, off Cadiz; and notwithstanding which, we were too strong for the enemy: but let gentlemen recollect, that the coup de grace was given to the naval power of France the preceding summer; and the Spanish navy was the only one we had to contend with, and near half their men of war of superior rates were on the continent of Spanish America, or at Cuba. A very distinguished and respectable sea-officer, in another place (earl of Bristol) having represented our ships of 50 guns as men of war of the line, was most presumptuously questioned on the propriety of such idea, by the noble lord who presides as first commissioner for navy affairs; perhaps not through ignorance, but because he wished to avoid taking a comparative view of the number of 50 gun ships at this time, in our navy, to what we had in former wars. True it is, that our 50 gun ships, at present, in and out of commission, do not exceed 14 or 15; there were, till within these few years last past, near thrice that number. But, Sir, there can be no doubt of the propriety of calling those ships men of war of the line. They carry the same weight of metal as 60 gun ships; and in action lead the van or close the rear; and of course are brought into the line of action, unless where the enemy is inferior in number; in which case they generally keep at a distance, to replace disabled vessels in the line, if occasion should require it; otherwise, to protect the unarmed part of your fleet, to chace ships of the enemy, to repeat signals, and for other contingent duties. In the last war, and the war preceding the last, very eminent services were performed by your ships of 50 guns, the Hampshire, Portland, Antelope, &c. under Baird, Stephens, and other gallant commanders. In the Toulon fight, the Guernsey, of 50 guns, was opposed in the British squadron to the Poder, a French man of war of 64 guns, and actually forced her out of the line. In 1755, when admiral Boscawen detached five of his squadron to block up four sail of French men of war of the line of battle, three of those five were ships of 50 guns. In short, Sir, the authority of the noble peer (lord Bristol) one of the best accredited sea-officers in the world, might have been deemed of sufficient weight to decide whether they are to be accounted among your line of battle or frigates. Sure I am, that in case of a foreign war, we shall have need to employ them as ships of the line; and there are some ships of that class now on the American station, which, from the advantage they possess of good British crews, and being thoroughly seasoned to the element, and to naval duty, I should not be in much pain for, were a combat to happen with a French man of war of 60 guns; although I do not think the ships of our fleet in general so conditioned, with their reduced establishments, as to fight at odds against those of France. Sir, it is but too evident that your ships of war fit for service are fewer in number, and those less to be depended on for duration, than ever was known; that twice as much money has been expended within the last eight years, for building, repairing, and preserving your ships, as was applied to these objects during the whole course of the last glorious war; and that the present noble president at the Admiraltyboard, after expending a sum of money thereon, which might have constructed 100 sail of the line, and as many frigates, new from the stocks, has your navy at this day on not near so formidable a footing, as when he came to the board in January 1771. As to seamen and marines, though we are now in the month of March, you want upwards of 12,000 to complete the numbers voted for the service of the current year; for the last weekly accounts differ but immaterially from those made up to November last, now before the committee; neither will you easily find the means of supplying such deficiency, though you have raised your entrancemoney to 124. 2s. for each volunteer (including the public encouragements beyond the 51. 5s. from the crown) to the great prejudice of commerce, and ruin of the merchants; and the men, thus dearly bought, are not in general of a mould, or professional description, to be compared with those recruited on similar emergencies heretofore. Men are not to be had for navy nor army; though for the latter you have lowered the standard almost to dwarf stature, and doubled the bounties. If the Bill for encouraging seamen to enter voluntarily, which in the last session, I proposed to the House, had met with a favourable reception, many thousands of your best mariners, who are now gone over to Holland, or serving in the fleets of your revolted subjects, might have been within reach at this day. At a future season, I shall revive my earnest endeavours to augment the pay of in times of peace, to provide for them under the infirmities of age, and limit the time of their servitude; till you abolish the horrid unconstitutional practice of impressing, and hold out these lures, you will never find the profession of a seaman much followed by the lower orders of the people; and I fully demonstrated, in the course of a former debate, that the present enormous expences to the nation in providing seamen might in great measure be saved. I look, Sir, upon those ministerial gentlemen who voted last year against bringing in a Bill for such salutary ends, to be answerable for no fewer than 160 innocent lives at least, which have fallen a sacrifice to the press-warrants. Sir, your fleet can never cope with the confederate naval strength of France, Spain, and America: I own, high as I your seamen esteem your naval character, I should | basis of industry and commercial policy. dread the contest. The best of the north- That they may rival us in several branches ern seamen of the American continent are of trade I do not deny; but such rivalry yet in reserve; they made a considerable will serve, I trust, as a spur to the genius part of Gates's land army at Saratoga, and ingenuity of the natives of this counbeing wisely prevented, by the general try, and stimulate us to make use of those convention of New England, from entering superior advantages with which we are into naval employ, while their service blessed by nature. Improve your Oriental could be of far greater utility on shore, and and your African trades; the latter may, they ran less risk of falling into the hands with proper management, be made absoof the British invaders. But, Sir, should lutely to govern the commerce of America the thirteen united provinces of America at European markets. Africa produces become independent, I could in reason not only the commodity, but likewise the entertain no very direful apprehensions labourer to reap and to work it; the intherefrom: 1,300 miles of coast will not digo, the rice of Carolina, the tobacco of be found equal to the extent of the coasts Virginia, cannot be produced without the of Great Britain and Ireland. In these African negroes. Those who speculate our islands are ports for shipping more in upon the imperial greatness of the Amerinumber, and full as commodious; our po- cans at some future day, perhaps go far pulation is at present in the proportion of beyond the bounds of human probability. near four to one; and our insular state is Who can say what intestine dissentions, better adapted to promote external com- what epidemical diseases, what bloody merce, and internal mercantile communi-wars, or other ill-fated events, to crush cations, than is the case with that vast exsuch ambitious and glorious prospects, panded continent of America; our climate may or may not be found in the future is happier; our position, as to the three history of that continent, though the first other quarters of the globe, far more ad page of it is now so promising, so auspivantageous; the southern coast of Ame- cious? Perhaps, Sir, when just approachrica during one half of the year being un- ing towards the zenith of their glory and wholesome, and incommoded by long prosperity, Providence may (as has been, calms, or irregular insidious currents; the in our days, the case with the mothernorthern provinces subject to thick, tem- country) for the completest of all curses pestuous weather, and scarcely accessible in the nature of sublunary things, bestow during the winter season. I believe, we such a set of ministers to rule over them, have in Great Britain and Ireland more as those who have, under George the 3rd, productive territory, than in all the thirteen precipitated this nation from the highest provinces put together; I mean, within pinnacle of fame and happiness, to the the limits of their great chain of lakes. lowest abyss of wretchedness and disgrace. Cataracts immense, torrented rivers, high I hope, Sir, we shall, in good time, before mountains, and impervious forests, are the well-affected parts of your American noble and magnificent features for painting colonies embrace the confederacy of the or poetry; but in practical societies, and thirteen, now in a fair road of indepenfor the ends of agriculture, manufactures, dence; I say, I hope we shall have wisdom or commerce, they cannot surely be pre-enough to preserve them from the like ferred to the humbler streams of England; to our fertile plains, and more practicable soil. While you compel the natives of the thirteen provinces to become, to a man, soldiers or seamen, in their own defence, they may be formidable indeed to your West India islands, or on remoter enterprizes; but if once left to settle in peace, their interest, their sober wisdom and gravity, above all, their natural love of liberty, and jealousy of military power, will dictate to them to lay aside the sword and firelock, and take up the shuttle and the ploughshare; they will turn their thoughts to husbandry, to manufactures, and to establish a pacific civil government, on the contagion and revolt. Canada, Newfoundland, the gates of the river St. Laurence, together with Nova Scotia, and the two Floridas, are as yet appendages of the British empire. It is much to be apprehended, that we may see hostile banners braving the coasts of England and Scotland next summer, with more stripes than thirteen. I heartily second the Resolutions put to the committee; as nothing can be clearer than the inadequate state of your naval power to the present crisis of public affairs, excepting the mismanagement of those ministers whom our deluded sovereign has fatally chosen to entrust with this main bulwark of the empire. Mr. Hippisley Coxe said, he had lately left France, and was perfectly convinced a war would very soon break out between Great Britain and that country; that France was arming with the utmost alertness; that the troops were marching in large bodies to the sea-ports; and that every thing wore the appearance of military preparation. Lord North denied this; and declared that the court of Versailles had checked her ardour, and had ordered the troops to march back from the sea-ports to the interior provinces. Admiral Keppel took occasion to say, that if he had the honour to be employed in the service of his country, he rather wished to have a small fleet well fitted and completely manned, than a large number of ships badly equipped. The previous question was put, and carried without a division. March 12. Mr. Alderman Wilkes made his annual motion, respecting the Middlesex Election. The question was called for, when the numbers were, Ayes 36: Noes 88. the circumstances of the present times, remains to be proved. I sincerely wish it success, and convinced of the ruinous expence and fatal consequences attending the war, I was happy to see any plan brought into parliament, which might tend to declare a disposition towards peace on the part of Great Britain: but I cannot give credit to ministers who seem resolved to make the good which parliament and the nation might agree to, totally impracticable; ministers who, conscious that they are an obstacle to ternis, however adequate, proving acceptable in America, are capable of setting higher value on the emoluments of their offices, and gratification of private ambition, than on the peace and prosperity of the empire. For, Sir, we may debate and vote as we please, Americans, not us, are to decide the fate of the conciliatory plan; and undoubtedly they will not only take into their consideration the fairness or artfulness of your proposals for peace, but the men they are to trust to for performance and future consistency of conduct; and let these ministers be ever so much flattered by the extraordinary support they have met with here, they undoubtedly are the men who Debate on Mr. James Luttrell's Motion persecuted and insulted America; therefor an Instruction to the American Com- fore, Sir, by what madness can Americans missioners respecting the Removal of ob- be supposed to conceive that men so renoxious Ministers, &c.] Mr. James Lut- warded and in favour for having broke trell. The subject which I think it my through their charters, and trampled on duty to enter upon, is certainly of import- their just rights, will never dare in future ance beyond my abilities to do justice to; to break the faith of any treaty, or by unbut I beg leave to offer my sentiments to due influence here attempt to violate the this House as a proof, that not only the most sacred pledge of legislature? May first and most distinguished of its mem- not America receive every proposal, whilst bers, but even down to myself, are equally such men are kept in power, as an insult? willing to exert themselves to the best of May not America conceive that now a blow their abilities, hoping to apply effectual is meditated at liberty through state craft, remedies to those evils, which have brought which force of arms could not effect? Or on this nation a crisis of such great danger. how can such a wavering ministry be deThat it would always have been more ho-pended on? who appearing attached to no nourable and wise for Great Britain to have offered proper terms of peace to the colonies, than to have held out unconditional submission, I believe every person will admit, who is convinced by this war, that no names, however high sounding, whether the divine institution of prerogative, supremacy of parliament, or dignity of the nation, can sanctify to a free people acts of injustice, tyranny, and oppression. With respect to the conciliatory plan, that it would have been expedient to have offered such a plan some months ago, nobody can reasonably deny: but how far it is in itself adequate to obtain peace under fixed principles of public justice, can be bound by no system of policy or maxims of government, changing the object of the war with every western breeze, and now assuming the borrowed plumage of the peaceful dove, flattering themselves America will not discern the cruel vultures that have preyed on her. Such ministers may deceive themselves, but to all the world must appear as inadequate to peace, as they have proved themselves incompetent to war. We can only hope, Sir, that America. will not think it necessary to guard against an inferior and secondary power, a certain description of men who appear to act un-jesty; it is rather what men and what meader the responsible ministers, but who have held out this olive branch in a most suspicious and equivocal manner. I mean that sort of Janus politician, who has one face towards America, another towards his Majesty; one countenance expressing peace, harmony and unanimity, and another disfigured with the ugly passions of false pride, hatred and revenge; one voice to vote in favour of persecuted America, another to talk vehemently of insulted, degraded, powerful Great Britain. Such undecisive support can do service to no country, and I trust they will prove the last, the least in power; for sooner shall the two faces of Janus meet, than America and Britons through their mediation. I regret, Sir, that parliament was not sooner allowed to enquire into the state of the nation; for I think that inquiry ought to have been finished, as a solid foundation for a treaty of peace, as I trust the object of that inquiry is to redress grievances, by removing all obstacles, whether men or measures, in order to prevent a perseverance in inevitable ruin. When ministers are found guilty, surely to correct vice by cherishing it is a new experiment; and perhaps a ministry, who by their present conduct bear fatal testimony of their past ruinous and bloody errors, may be thought more in character as patrons of the savages, than examples of British integrity, humanity and virtue, worthy of American confidence and esteem. Some, indeed, pretend, that it is inconsistent with our duty to shew the weak and perilous situation of this country. Good God, Sir, was there ever an inquiry into the state of the nation, because ministers were virtuous and Great Britain in prosperity? Amidst all the glories of the last war, who would have moved an inquiry into the state of the nation? It can only be called for when great calamity requires immediate redress. Such is now the situation of public affairs: and it is, therefore, our duty to open the eyes of our sovereign to misfortunes, in which he is not less a sufferer than his people, and to convince him that those ministers who lost his dominions, by endeavouring to make the prerogative of the crown incompatible with the happiness of the subject, have proved themselves equally an enemy to both. sures, can save the rest of America? But supposing the case not totally desperate; if ruin or separation is not unavoidable, yet surely it is at least a crisis when the measures to prevent it ought to be sent out with such an unquestionable appearance of sincerity, that it may be received as a proof of his Majesty's affection and love of justice towards his subjects, rather than as an assent extorted through fear and necessity; extorted from ministers openly obstinate and cruel, till disappointed in their arbitrary views abroad and become jealous of their rivals at home. Perhaps the noble lord in the blue ribbon expects to be an exception, because he formerly proposed a conciliatory plan. As to the noble lord's heart, I believe it has never been consulted in the cabinet; and as to his conciliatory plan, it appeared to the Americans indeed more plausible than unconditional submission, but not more expressive of peaceful intentions; for the theory of parliament's desisting from taxation as long as the American tribute should amount to as much money as a vote of this House should require, was a mockery of freedom, and the practice of exacting such a tribute by force of arms, tyranny and oppression. If the treaty with France has taken place, I fear it is not a question that thirteen provinces, and the hearts of a brave and powerful people, are lost to his Ma We know that ministers must govern the nation; the duty of parliament is to see they do it honestly and wisely, or to endeavour to remove them from his Majesty's councils. It is likewise the duty of parliament to support and look up to men who have more honourable pretensions to the confidence and esteem of the sovereign and the people: in such men it is meritorious to seek places of trust; for the crime cannot consist in holding a public office; the vice is in employing the power to bad purposes. Lord Chatham was a truer patriot for having availed himself of that power which enabled him by his wisdom and virtue to raise his country to the highest pitch of glory and prosperity, than if he had indolently contented himself with the duty of a private member; and it is reasonable to suppose, that his Majesty may find able, vigilant, and experienced statesmen, capable of governing with infinite more steadiness and judgment, more for his Majesty's honour and peace of mind, upon sounder principles of public justice, more likely to be confided in by Great Britain and by America, than these ministers who have lost one half the empire and nearly ruined 1 |