Franklin and Deane, represented ministers, as in the act of doing homage to those personages in sack-cloth and ashes. Thepresent Bills, said he, are so disgraceful in every point in which they are to be viewed, that venit summa dies may now be unhappily applied to the glory of this country! The late lord Granville predicted that such a day would come: but nothing short of the most rooted folly, and the most abject cowardice in ministers, could have accelerated it so rapidly. With regard to the right of Great Britain to exact a revenue from America, I never entertained a doubt of it, nor that the colonies secretly looked forward to independency. The letters I have already alluded to prove it; it is ridiculous, therefore, to argue, that America had no such view, till compelled to it by the rigour of this country. On the whole, his lordship predicted, that the present Bills, if passed, would prove ineffectual. The commissioners who should act under them would be treated with contempt; and the national character would be additionally disgraced. While he reprobated the pusillanimity and obstinacy of administration, he lamented the fallen condition of this country; reduced, in their hands, to make a public offer of terms, without knowing whether those terms would be accepted; men who had shewn to the whole world they were incapable of conducting a war; and were now preparing to give another proof of their incapacity, by shewing they do not know how to make peace. agreeable to them, towards relieving this country from a proportionate share of the burdens, according to their means, which had been necessarily incurred in defending them in the course of the late war, previous to his proposing the Stamp Act: but after several communications and letters on the subject between the persons concerned, the colonies absolutely refused to contribute, in any manner, a single shilling. He had another strong reason to confirm him in the same way of thinking, that was, the pointed observations contained in the letters attributed to M. Montcalm, which indeed bear the stamp of prediction, more than hypothetical reasoning. The authenticity of those letters had been often disputed; but he could affirm, that he saw them in manuscript, among the papers of a minister now deceased, long before they made their appearance in print, and at a time when American independency was in the contemplation of a very few persons indeed. His lordship, after imputing to administration every mischief, which folly, ignorance, temerity, and poltroonery, were capable of effecting, charged them directly, in the present instance, with downright imposition. He asked them, what possible good could result from the present Bills, if what was generally, nay universally, believed without doors was true? He meant the famous manifesto issued by the American agents in France in December, 1776, in which they specially declare themselves independent of Great Britain, renounce all future connexion with us, and inform the several sovereign The Bishop of Peterborough (Dr. John powers in Europe, particularly those of Hinchcliffe), after assuring the House, France, Spain, Germany and Prussia, that that he had determined, while measures they intended to send ambassadors, as free of coercion were pursued, not to trouble and independent states, and hold out to their lordships again with the vain repetithem, as an encouragement, those general tion of his objections, added-But solicitous advantages which may be derived from a as I have ever been for reconciliation, commerce to be carried on with a mer- upon the best terms, which from time to cantile and trading people, and the reci-time could be had with America; I cannot procal interest arising from such an intercourse. He asked the ministers, if they knew any thing of this public declaration and invitation? And no answer being returned, he observed, that he was convinced ministers were better acquainted with the Book of Numbers, than the Book of Wisdom. His lordship, after condemning ministers for raising the spirit of the nation, relative to the new levies, and letting it down by this disgraceful measure, which, he said, went to throw this country, its parliament, and the people at large, at the feet of the deputies of the Congress, Messrs. but congratulate your lordships on this concurrence of our sentiments, that peace with our colonies is acknowledged to be, according to the expression of a noble lord in office, highly proper, at least, if not, as another noble earl, a friend to administration, declares, absolutely necessary. It nevertheless appears to me, there is but too much reason to apprehend, that the wisdom which our experience has purchased at the price of so much blood and treasure, may still prove abortive, from the vain imagination, that America, circumstanced as she is now, will be induced to treat at by a respectable colony, it was rejected, with, what appeared to him, a degree of passion and asperity very unbecoming the dignity and wisdom of so respectable an assembly. [It was a petition from the province of New-York, for the repeal of the tea duty.] He said he thought the present Bills well suited to produce the effects expected from them. Every material objection to the claims of this country were removed. Taxation was relinquished farther than it depended on the duty and generosity of the Americans themselves. On the other hand, the supremacy of this country was asserted, and would, if accommodation took place, be preserved. The only colour of an objection to the Bills was, what had been stated by a noble duke early in the day, that a treaty had been entered into by the Congress delegates and the French court; but even though this report should prove true, he did not yet despair but America would quit her former engagements, and return to her native country. all, while the sword is drawn against her, and while the terms of reunion, are, after the commissioners shall have approved them, to be still left subject to the controul of parliament. It was this claim of parliament to judge of the sufficiency of the contributions, which principally caused the former propositions to be rejected; and while the least uncertainty remains, whether the concessions mutually agreed upon, will finally be satisfactory and conclusive, I cannot see how it is reasonable to expect, that there can be, on the part of America, that degree of confidence, which is the only foundation of peace. I submit these doubts to your lordships' consideration, on a supposition, that America is not yet formally connected with France: should that be the case, as a noble duke has assured us it is; all deliberation on these propositions, is, 1 fear, vain and nugatory: the circumstances of our situation call your attention to matters of more immediate concern; nor is the question, whether we are to give up all hopes of regaining America by the sword, but how we are to get our troops back again in safety? But, if haply, America is still at liberty to treat with us, the only way of doing it effectually is to acquire her confidence, by giving her first every testimony of our own. Is it possible to expect she will consent to such a peace, as we may think honourable, unless she is first convinced, we no longer mean hostilities? The propositions, worded as they are, mean to imply acknowledgment of GreatBritain's supremacy. A noble earl has said, that the Americans do virtually renounce their independence, if they consent at all to treat with the commissioners. I cannot, therefore, but observe, that these propositions do at the same time admit, that independence is not (as it has been often asserted to be) the general and main object of America. I am, indeed, persuaded, that it was not so from the beginning; and I do firmly believe, that there is still among those descendants of Englishmen, attachment enough left to the stock from whence they sprung, not only to make them wish for reunion, but dispose them likewise to consult the honour and dignity of their mother country, if haply they were convinced, that she neither means to deceive them at present, or oppress them for the future. Lord Osborne said, soon after he was honoured with a seat in the other House, where a dutiful petition being presented [VOL. XIX. ] The Earl of Shelburne considered the Bills in two points of view, in both of which, he said, they were defective, and proceeded upon wrong principles. The first was, the implied, though not the avowed motives for adopting the present measure, as leaving no other alternative for us to embrace but approving them, or suffering America to render herself independent; the other, the means proposed of preventing the latter part of the alternative from taking effect. On the first of these, he said, he would never consent that America should be independent. The idea he ever entertained of the connection between both countries was, that they should have one friend, one enemy, one purse, and one sword; and that GreatBritain should superintend the interests of the whole, as the great controuling power. That both countries should have but one will, though the means of expressing that will might be different, distinct, and varied. He contended, that all this might have been procured not long since; and he still retained strong hopes that it could be effected, and that, too, without measures of blood. It was once optional, and still possible; and he would never adopt any scheme which would go to dissever our colonies from us; for as soon as that event should take place, then, added his lordship emphatically, "the sun of GreatBritain is set, and we shall no longer be a powerful or respectable people, the mo[31] ment that the independency of America is agreed to by our government!" These terms, he asserted, the Congress would have agreed to a very short time since, and he had hopes they might still be obtained. He reprobated treaties of commerce, as the most ridiculous things in the world; shewing, by a variety of historical precedents, that those which had at the time of making them been deemed the wisest, had always failed, and turned out to no effect: there was a little difference, he declared, between treaties of commerce and laws of trade. The latter were stable, and always worth attending to. He advised ministers eternally to hold this distinction in their minds, and never to give up the Navigation Act. Upon the subject of treaties, he instanced the famous one made with Portugal in 1703, and negotiated by Mr. Methuen, our then ambassador at that court; said it was hardly ratified, when it began to be broke or evaded; till at length it is dwindled to almost nothing: he had taken great pains while in office himself to inforce it; but he found it was impracticable; or, if practicable, it would not be worth the trouble. Trade and commerce between independent states of different interests, would not be restrained; they would of course fali into their natural channels, in spite of every attempt to give them a different or artificial direction. Trade laws were of quite a different nature; they were solemn compacts, in which the interests of the contracting parties were reciprocal, and founded on the same basis. Such were the connections between all states and their colonies; and such were the obligations of interest and good faith, for a faithful performance of such compacts. Among the first of these, and the foundation of all the rest, he ranked the trade law passed in the reign of Charles the 2nd, which united the commercial interests of the whole British empire. That could never be, in his opinion, equitably, nay, wisely broken. It was judiciously framed for the advantage of the seat of empire, and its several dependencies; and, if ever dissolved, would, in all probability, terminate in the ruin of the parties concerned. Even should we be so unlucky as not to succeed in regaining the confidence of America, let it be remembered, that at one time when the throne of England was vacant, and the executive power in the hands of an usurper, at a time, too, when Scotland was divided from England, this country was in so flourishing a state, that every European power courted her friendship and alliance, and there were 6 or 700,000l. in the Treasury. Ireland was also equally flourishing. Henry, the usurper's son, was implicitly obeyed there, every part of the government of that kingdom had its proper effect, and the Treasury there also had several hundred thousand pounds in it. The cause of this was the good sense, the judgment, and the vigour of mind which Oliver Cromwell possessed. Government was in his time conducted upon principles of justice, and not on principles of corruption. At that glorious period, Denmark was happy to stand on terms of amity with this country. Sweden sued for an alliance with her. Holland courted her friendship, and dreaded her power. Portugal sought her alliance and protection; and Spain and France alternately contended which of them should stand highest in her favour. His lordship expressed the strongest sentiments of disapprobation of every idea that tended to admit the independency of America, though allusions to such an admission had been dropped in the House, even from persons in office. He did not mean, that he never would agree to a connection with the colonies as independent states: circumstances might create a necessity for such a submission, though they could not justify the folly or treachery of an administration, which should reduce him and the nation to so abject a situation: but he asserted, that when the day came, on which American independence should be acknowledged by that House, he trusted, that House would, with one voice, call for justice on those who should be the occasion of so fatal a necessity. His lordship ridiculed the hope of gaining any thing from America by commercial alliances. Such alliances were found by experience to be binding no longer than mutual interest connected the parties. The treaty, therefore, said to be signed with France, had nothing in it to alarm us, unless the acknowledgment of independency; but if the war was instantly put an end to, and the confidence of the people a little restored to us, much might be hoped from the inclinations of people, having the same religion, the same language, the same relations, and interwoven interests with us. Besides, there were many cool, dispassionate, and able men in the Congress; who, when they came to judge, and looked forward to consequences, it was extremely probable, that, independent of their attachment to the parent state and those other strong motives of affection, they would plainly perceive, that a connection with this country would be the best means of advancing the interest of their own. But if every honest, every virtuous means, which could now be suggested, for restoring them to our empire, should finally prove abortive, we had, in the late annals of our own history, a lesson of hope (alluding to lord Chatham's administration) which should console us for the calamities which we now feel or apprehend, and will shew us, that under a brave administration, we may yet exist as an empire, nay, even flourish as we formerly did, without a connection with America. The strength of the nation is powerful beyond conception, whilst the people have a confidence in the wisdom and valour of their rulers. His lordship said, that peace at any rate was preferable to war; and so far as those Bills went towards that object, he would give them his assent; two of them he was ready to support; but he would give his negative to the Bill for appointing commissioners, as he thought it would be inefficacious; for the Congress, seeing the deception intended by it, in authorising the commissioners to treat with separate bodies of the people, and that its object was to divide them, would never suffer them to advance from the lines of their camp; and the apprehension of their terms being afterwards receded from by parliament at the instance of a weak and deceitful administration, would prevent every possible good. In this part of his argument, his lordship stated the obstacles America had to contend with, in case she should insist upon independence, and take measures accordingly; provided we employed the means properly, which were yet in our power. He said, to the southward we had the Floridas; to the northward Nova Scotia, Canada, Newfoundland, and Cape Breton. In point of conquest, we were in possession of New York, Rhode Island, Staten Island, Long Island, besides the city of Philadelphia, and its environs. He confessed. all this did not hold out any prospect of conquest; but perhaps it held out objects of a more substantial nature. We might command the navigation of the river St. Lawrence and Mississippi, and the communication of the Lakes. In such an event, then, as America proving refrac tory to all reasonable terms of conciliation, the command of their coasts by su perior fleets, and the occupying such parts in the interior country, as would best answer the keeping them in awe and alarm, and maintaining such posts, and opening such necessary communications as might be most conducive to our views, not those of coercion or conquest; in all probabi lity the colonies would soon find them. selves compelled to break their foreign engagements, and seek our protection upon fair, constitutional, and secure grounds. To effect this, there ought to be at least a complete army in Canada, of 12,000. Halifax ought to be strongly garrisoned, and sufficient defences made to it as a place of arms. The troops ought to be recalled from Philadelphia, if they had not already made a similar exit from it to that they made from Boston, where their stay can otherwise terminate only in starvation, captivity, or defeat. After pointing out what ought to be pursued, should America prove averse to reconciliation, he contrasted the cruel and ridi culous conduct of ministers. He said he would not, nor could attribute such operations to the good sense and humanity of British seamen, or British soldiers. He presumed they had their instructions from hence. Marching, countermarching, embarkations, debarkations, fruitless expedi tions, defeats, depredations coastwise, burning of towns and villages, employing foreign mercenaries, savages, scalping, tomahawking, &c. He said the war was conducted systematically wrong from the outset; that instead of making war in front, by which means you left the enemy at liberty to meet you when they thought proper, or retire into the interior country, you should have secured posts in their rear; forced them towards the sea, and by that means have compelled them from time to time to decisive engagements. His lordship then considered the Bills in point of effect: he said, they clearly portended nothing but a continuation of the war, upon the same destructive plan, the effusion of more blood, and the waste of more treasure. He thought them every way insidious, and only intended to divide, not to conciliate the colonies. Every plan of conciliation, in such hands, must fail. The claims supported by ministers were by this Bill varied but in name. The preamble to the Commissioners Bill, the mode of appointing and instructing the commissioners, and reserving both, and intrusting + the treaty to the very men who had been the authors of all our misfortunes, were so many proofs that though ministerial language had changed, the system had not. His lordship then condemned the shameful subserviency of parliament in their whole conduct, which the noble earl in high office was pleased to distinguish under the name of consistency! If, said his lordship, the noble lord in the other House, (lord North) comes down one day, and tells parliament," You shall have a revenue, not a pepper-corn, but a clear, substantial, productive revenue," the word flies through every corner of the House, revenue!— revenue !-revenue!-If, the next day, in all the fullness of ministerial supremacy, he says, "No revenue; we must maintain the supremacy," the fiat instantly spreads: -supremacy!-supremacy!-supremacy! If again the conqueror of America tells his friends, that the revenue and supremacy are gone, and along with both unconditional submission; that we are no longer to fight but treat; with one voice the halcyon tidings are echoed through, and reverberated against the hallowed walls—treat!—treat!--treat!Thus, peace or war, submission or no submis. sion, supremacy or independency, revenue or no revenue, it is the same thing with the noble lord and his followers. But if, through this various scheme of monstrous and absurd politics, chance or art should bring about any favourable circumstance, the noble lord will once more appear enthroned in all the fullness of ministerial majesty, covered with graces, favours and consequence, surrounded by his placemen, pensioners, and contractors, supported by his myrmidons, and court janizaries; he will once more, I say, resume his former high tone of command. guage of the court of Vienna and Versailles, is termed being disgraced; but which in fact, was looked upon by their fellow subjects, in a very different light. Their characters were revered by the people; and such was the high opinion they entertained of those able and upright ministers, that if an occasion served, they would cheerfully trust their lives and fortunes, and whatever they held most dear and valuable, to their care and protection. The Bills were read a second time without a division. March 9. On the third reading of the American Conciliatory Bills, The Earl of Abingdon said: I have given no obstruction to these Bills, because whatever bears the name of conciliation with America, though it be a shadow, I am ready to catch at; and for the same reasons (meaning that they should pass) it is not now my intention to divide the House upon them; but, as I am firmly persuaded that these Bills are no more than a continuation of that delusion which has brought this country to its present brink of ruin, and so far from obtaining the end proposed by them, that they are destructive of it, I rise to put my simple negative upon them, and will place my reasons for so doing upon the Journals. And, my lords, having said this, I have only to add my congratulations to your lordships on the late miraculous conversion of parliament to the true faith. Whiggism triumphant over Toryism! Whig measures ingrafted on Tory principles ! "Humano capiti cervicem pictor equinam "Jungere si velit-risum teneatis amici ?" But, my lords, however pleased I may be with this Centaur not Fabulous, I fear the motives that have produced it are not of the most honest kind. I fear, my lords, that it is a temporary sacrifice only of principles to places, and that when the golden age is over, the iron age will return in its room. This good, however, it must produce: American liberties are hereby confirmed, and put out of the reach of Tory disturbance for the time to come. The noble earl proceeded to make several animadversions on ministers, whom he represented as the tools of their secret employers. This indiscriminate acquiescence, he said, was extremely criminal, and called in the first instance, for public reprehension; and he hoped in the end, would meet the reward it merited. He contrasted this tame submission to every mandate they received, with the The Marquis of Rockingham said, the firm and manly conduct of modern minis- Bills were inadequate, and must prove inters, in countries deemed despotic; in the effectual. It had been a language propersons of count Kaunitz and the duke of gressively increasing since the commenceChoiseul, who, sooner than break their ment of the present reign, that such meawords, or act contrary to their own judg-sures were the King's measures; his Mament, opposed the will of their respective jesty's intentions, &c. But the King's sovereigns; and suffered what, in the lan- friends, in the course of the present war, |