Oldalképek
PDF
ePub

through it progressively, and adverted to every distinct object of it, were to form some general conclusion deduced from and grounded upon the result of the whole investigation.

cence with every measure taken respecting America. His grace declared, that it would be acting a more manly part for ministers to say at once they disliked the enquiry, and break up the committee, than thus insidiously to deceive the public, by letting an idea prevail that they wished to give every information that was asked for, and that they countenanced the enquiry, when, in fact, they were resolved to negative every resolution moved in consequence of it, and thus in an underhand manner effectually to check its progress, and render it useless and unserviceable. From the noble viscount's rising to speak to the question, he had hopes of hearing from him something relative to the pacific intentions of the courts of France and Spain, and the probability of our not having a war to sustain, at this critical period, against the House of Bourbon. The noble viscount had formerly stood up, and given the House information on that head: such information would now be particularly welcome. After enlarging on our present situation, and the additional embarrassment which a war with France would occasion, his grace concluded with urging their lordships to admit the noble duke's resolution, and not act so inconsistently as to declare they approved the enquiry, when they were taking every possible method of defeating its purpose.

Viscount Weymouth expressed his surprize that the noble duke should introduce a subject so foreign from the question as a war with France, and a wish that he would give their lordships information relative to the probability of such an event. It was true he had a year ago assured their lordships of the pacific professions of the court of Versailles; he could now do the same; nothing could be more pacific than the professions of that court at this time; he would not, however, hold himself answerable to be called upon, should a war happen to break out shortly. What he stated was a fact, but that minister would, in his opinion, act very unwisely, who should so far rely on mere professions, as not to prepare for the defence of the kingdom, at a time when any of the continental powers were busy in military preparation, much more when France was arming herself. With regard to the resolution, he declared he could not see the utility of the committee's coming to any resolution at present: that in fact it was not their business so to do; that they were to proceed regularly with the enquiry, and after having gone [VOL. XIX.]

Lord Camden said it had at all times been the usage of parliament to form resolutions on matters of fact, which resolutions were considered as the data from which the conclusions were to be drawn ; and finally to be the ground of the measures meant to be proposed, in consequence of such information. The present mode of putting a negative on every resolution proposed, was in fact pretending to give information, but refusing the use of that information; for when every fact was established, and the whole enquiry at an end, and the grand conclusions relative to future measures came to be made, where were the facts on which the House was to proceed? On the Journals, negatived by the previous question, which in so many words imported, that as it was not proper to resolve the facts, of course it must be improper to agree to the conclusions. The argument was obvious and incontrovertible. This, then, fairly amounted to a premature dissolution of the committee; and, for his part, if administration were determined to adhere to the same conduct throughout the future progress of the enquiry, he thought it would be much better to dissolve it at once; than, by a mere outside shew of an enquiry, amuse the people without doors with high expectations, when it was finally resolved, by those who led the majorities of that House, that no one benefit should be derived from it.

This, he foresaw, was the intention of ministers, as soon as he understood that a noble lord in the other House, (lord North) gave notice, that he intended to move some plan, tending to peace and conciliation with America. It was pretty evident, from the conduct of ministers in this House, that they intended it from the first day the committee was formed; but the noble lord's proposing a plan of conciliation, in the other House, pending the enquiry, put that suspicion beyond a doubt. For what would be the real effect of such a proposition? But that, as soon as it was made, the enquiry, from that instant, would be at an end, at least in that House, and consequently in this. The noble lord, by what he could learn, meant to bring in what he intended to propose, by way of Bill; indeed, it could not be otherwise, as

[3 B]

no minister dare offer any terms to America without the consent of parliament, because parliament had already, by the Prohibitory Bill, chalked out the specific manner in which government was to treat. What, then, was the enquiry to do? Why, to produce information to that House, in order to ground measures upon; while a Bill, in its several stages, was going through the same House, fixing the terms, and directing the mode in which we were to treat. The idea was to the last degree preposterous and absurd: apply the same mode of reasoning to this House. A Bill is passing the other House, which is to come here for our approbation, while we are actually engaged in an enquiry, which is intended to lay a foundation for measures of conciliation. The truth was, that ministers were in a panic, when they first consented to the enquiry; they had since recovered their wonted confidence. The state of things was too critical, and the nation too much alarmed, for ministers to continue to treat the public in the lofty, contemptuous manner they had hitherto uniformly done. The enquiry must go on, or some substitute, to prevent a clamour without doors, must be adopted in its stead. The idea was ingenious, and well worthy of those who contrived it. Plans of conciliation are held out, or intended; plans perhaps very different in their nature, cannot, at the same time, by the same parliament, be adopted; one must be thrown aside: ministers carry their point; the enquiry is thus strangled in its birth, and the affairs of the nation are of course trusted to the conduct of the same ministers for another year, and the worst that can happen is, that they shall have failed in their last attempt as they did in all the preceding.

He augured ill, as soon as he heard of what was intended; he foresaw clearly, that the committee would be short-lived;

that it would meet with a sudden and immature death; that it would be strangled in its birth, by the minister and his mutes. Will the noble lord in the other House, after assuring it, that Great Britain would never relax, till America was at her feet, tell his friends there, that America must be treated with; that all the obnoxious Acts must be repealed? After so frequently assuring the country gentlemen that a revenue, and a substantial revenue, was to be drawn from the colonies; will he inform them of the melancholy tidings, that all thoughts of taxing our colonies are now

relinquished? After the high-sounding terms of the supremacy of parliament; of the inalienable rights of the British legislature, to compel America to unconditional submission; will he acquaint them, that that country is to be treated with as an independent state? After spending upwards of 25 millions, and after the loss of 20,000 lives, will he fairly confess, that both were thrown away; and, in return for the numerous evils he has heaped on this country, will he confine his apology to a single word; that he had been deceived, or misled? There were but two methods of treating with the colonies; that adopted, of holding out pardons, which had already failed; the other by Bill, containing parliamentary powers, to agree to specific terms. Suppose that it should answer the purpose it was intended to effect, it would be but acknowledging, at least in the first instance, the independency of America. His lordship next observed, that the colonies had solemnly declared themselves independent, and adhered strenuously to that declaration, when their affairs were at the lowest ebb. Would any noble lord in administration, now pretend even to hint, after the flourishing state of their affairs, in the moment of victory, and elated with success as they were; that they would consent to treat on more favourable terms? No, most certainly not; so that it was clear, whatever pretended appearance of parliamentary supremacy might be kept up, those very ministers, who had all along contended for unconditional submission, and supremacy, in its fullest extent, were now proposing a treaty, the very basis of which was to be an acknowledgment of American independency.

He lamented the fatal counsels which had brought this nation into its present alarming situation; and the supineness of the people, in suffering themselves to be governed by such weak and destructive measures. To be told at one time, that a few thousand men would look America into submission; again, that the resistance proceeded only from the ambitious views of a few individuals; and that a force sufficient to free the people from the tyranny of their leaders, would immediately put an end to the revolt; and finally, when they failed in all their predictions and promises, relative to the degree and extent of the resistance, and the disposition of the people there, then, that it would be necessary to exert the full force of this country, to com pel them to a full acknowledgment of the

high-sounding terms and big words of the peace or reconciliation was entirely va supreme rights of parliament, and uncon-nished. If the minister knew this, and ditional submission yet two campaigns knowing it, looked to the consequences, have since passed; the whole strength of which must inevitably be a French war, this country has been exerted; and what his proposition would be a mockery of the has been the consequence? A proposition nation, whom he had all along misled; and from those who promised every thing, and if such a farce should be discovered, woe to effected nothing; confessing that we are them who had acted in it! for, however unequal to the task; and that the only slow the people were to avenge the insults means left untried, is to offer to accede to and injuries put upon them, he ventured to what had been so often said we never affirm, that it would end fatally to its auwould consent to, while we had a man to thors and contrivers. It was criminal to fight, or a shilling to spend. heap every species of accumulated ruin on the nation; but, it would be insolent and cruel to aggravate their miseries, by so gross and barefaced a deception. He concluded with recommending to ministers, that whatever was done might be speedily done; the moment was critical and decisive, in any event; he feared, it was too late; but whether or not, the chance of success could only arise from expedition.

The Lord Chancellor begged to call their lordships' attention back to the mo tion before them, agreeing with the learned law lord that it was always customary for committees to agree to resolutions of fact, but asserting, that the conclusion meant to be deduced from these facts ought to be opened to the committee, previous to their entering into any resolution. The noble duke's intention, his lordship declared, was altogether a secret to the committee as yet, but if he could guess at all from what had fallen from the lords who had spoken in favour of the resolution, the proposition that his grace meant to offer to their lordships' consideration, was some what similar to the proposition in general Gates's Letter; in which their lordships were advised to withdraw their fleets and armies, and then to let America make her own terms. His lordship declared, he should vote for the chairman's leaving the chair.

If the plan intended, proved a good one, he sincerely wished it success. The minister acted right, to accommodate himself. His dreams of conquest, revenue, &c. were at an end. There was a time, and not long since, when he might have succeeded. That moment was, he had every reason to believe, passed away, never to be recovered. If, when a noble lord, now absent from his place (lord Chatham) proposed the measure of withdrawing the troops before the recess, it had been accepted of, probably such a measure would have succeeded: it was now too late. Ministers were warned, in the most plain and specific language, of the danger of rejecting that noble lord's proposition. They were told, that something, which in its nature might sever the colonies for ever from the parent state, was then in contemplation; that instead of America, or France separate, we might have America, with the whole united force of Bourbon, to contend with. What was the conduct of ministers? They moved and carried an adjournment, on the 11th of December, to the 20th of January, a recess of six weeks, at so awful and important a crisis; they abandoned the interests of the nation to chance; and now, at the end of more than two months, when it was too late, came with a proposition to parliament. What he now said, was not the effect of mere idle surmise or conjecture. The Duke of Richmond, with regard to He had, within a few days, seen the extract the learned law lord, who spoke last, of a letter from Dr. Franklin. He did not guessing at the conclusion he meant to himself correspond with that gentleman, draw from the various resolutions which (though on any other subject, but the me- he had moved, and might, in the progress lancholy one alluded to, he should esteem of the enquiry, nove, said, the learned lord his correspondence the highest honour) in was certainly at liberty to guess as much as which he said, that a proposition tending to he pleased, but it would be rather extraordipeace, would have been accepted by Ame-nary if he hit upon the conclusion that rica, at the period alluded to, but, that it was then too late. He understood, that this was further authenticated by accounts received, which he feared were too true, that America had entered into an alliance with France; and that any prospect of

would be offered, because he really had it not yet in his head what conclusion to form, nor could he possibly ascertain it till he had gone through the whole enquiry, and had established the various facts on which the ultimate conclusion

must necessarily be grounded. Thus far, however, he would tell the committee, the object of enquiry was peace, the mode of attempting to effect which, could not be determined upon till their lordships knew the real state of public affairs, the power of the nation to continue the war, the probability of its success, and how far we were able to resist an attack from the House of Bourbon, should any be made. His grace declared, he did not believe we should soon be precipitated into a war with France, adding, that he neither rested his belief on the wisdom of administration, nor on our ability to resist an attack; but that he relied on the French king and the French cabinet, who, he well knew, were exceedingly averse to war. He could not, however, answer for accidents or incidental occurrences, which might force France to commence hostilities. There was at this time a difficulty between our court and that of Versailles; France formerly took all her tobacco (which is a necessary article of consumption, and a great object of revenue in that kingdom) from us. We were no longer able to supply her, and she had declared that she must procure tobacco from America, whom she was under the necessity of trading with as an independent state. This, his grace said, was a difficulty, and how the British ministry would get over it, he krew not.

Upon the motion being put, for lord Scarsdale to leave the chair, the committee divided; Contents 66. Non Con

tents 26.

The duke of Richmond's other Resolu. tions were, 2. "That it appears to this House, that the greatest number of regular land forces serving in North America, in 1775, consisted of 11,219 effective men, including officers. 3. That the operations and events in North America, during the campaign of 1775, consisted chiefly in taking from his Majesty, by the provincial forces, the forts on the frontiers of Canada, the reduction by the said forces of the whole province of Canada, except the city of Quebec, some severe actions in the neighbourhood of Boston in New-England, and the blockade of his Majesty's army in that city by the provincial forces. 4. That as far as they are informed from the returns, the greatest number of regular land forces serving in North America, in 1776, consisted of 45,865 men, officers included. 5. That the operations and events in North America, during the

campaign of 1776, consisted chiefly in a considerably advantage gained over the provincial forces in an engagement in Long Island, the reduction of State Island, Long Island, and of the city and island of New York, all within the province of New York; of the island of Rhode Island, within the province of Rhode Island, and a possession of part of the Jerseys, all by his Majesty's arms, under general sir William Howe; the repulse of an assault on Quebec, under generals Montgomery and Arnold; the raising the siege and the blockade of that city, and the recovery of Canada, together with the destruction of the American fleet on Lake Champlain, by his Majesty's forces under general sir Guy Carleton; the evacuation of the city of Boston by his Majesty's forces; the failure of the expedition of the said forces under sir Peter Parker and general Clinton, against Charles Town, in South Carolina, and the breaking into the cantonments of his Majesty's army in the Jerseys by the provincial troops under general Washington. 6. That from the returns it appears, the greatest number of land forces serving in North America, in 1777, consisted of 48,616 men, including officers. 7. That the operations and events in North America, during the campaign of 1777, were chiefly

-on the southward-the total evacuation of the Jerseys by his Majesty's forces; the invasion of the province of Pensylvania by the said forces under sir W. Howe; his success in two considerable engagements with the continental army under Mr. Washington; the occupation of the city of Philadelphia by his Majesty's forces; general Washington taking post within 14 miles of Philadelphia; sir W. Howe's movement of his army to dislodge general Washington; and on finding the enemy's position unattackable, his retreat to Philadelphia, where he remains entrenched for winter quarters. To the northward they consisted chiefly in an unsuccessful attack of his Majesty's forces, under colonel St. Leger, on Fort Stanwix; the taking Ticonderoga (since evacuated) by his Majesty's forces under lieut. general Burgoyne; several severe engagements, with various success, and the final loss of the whole army under the said general, consisting of 7,000 regular troops, besides others; together with the loss of all his artillery, stores, baggage, and his whole camp. 8. That the total result of the operation of his Majesty's

[ocr errors]

ence, as the subject he was about to treat of that day was in its nature dry and unpleasant. That to look into their private accounts, he believed, was a matter which, however disagreeable it might be at all times, was on some occasions indispensa bly necessary, especially so when their lordships' stewards had ruined their estates. The nation, his grace said, was, in consequence of the war, rendered almost bankrupt; and although the enormous expence which had been incurred was past a remedy, it might yet be right to enquire by what means the ruin had been brought on, and to ascertain how far the stewards were to blame, in order to prevent the same stewards from continuing in office, and being entrusted in the conduct of those means which might offer themselves, as proper to be practised for the redemption of the public estate.

forces, and those of his allies, during the three campaigns of 1775, 1776, and 1777, towards the reduction of the revolted provinces in North America, consisted in the taking the cities of New York and Philadelphia; together with Staten Island, Long Island, and Rhode Island; and that there still remains to be reduced the entire provinces of New Hampshire, Massachuset's Bay, and Connecticut; all the continental parts of Rhode Island and New York, the whole of the provinces of the East and West Jersey, the province of Pennsylvania (except the environs of Philadelphia) the counties on Delaware, the entire provinces of Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. 9. That the number of his Majesty's land forces in all North America, under the several commanders at Philadelphia, New York, Rhode Island, and Canada, according to the latest returns, consisted of 36,731 men, including officers. 10. That it will require a reinforcement of 11,885 men, of old troops, to make the present army in North America, consisting of 36,731 men, equal to what it was in the course of the last campaign, when it consisted of 48,616 regular old troops. 11. That of the 36,731 men, which constituted the several armies in North America, according to the latest returns, there were at the same time 4,639 men sick. 12. That the number of land forces in North America, on the 1st August, 1774, together with those that have been sent to America, from Great Britain or Ireland, since that period, to the 31st Dec. 1777, and those few corps that have been raised in America, amount to 61,648 men, and that deducting the present army of 36,731 men, there appears to be lost by death, desertion, captivity, or otherwise, 24,917 men: that there are 5,536 prisoners, which, when exchanged or returned, will reduce the loss of men in the land service to 19,381, to the end of the year 1777."

The Resolutions were all put, and negatived.

Debate in the Committee on the State of the Nation upon the Duke of Richmond's Resolutions respecting the Expences of the American War.] Feb. 19. The House went again into the Committee on the State of the Nation, lord Scarsdale in the chair.

The Duke of Richmond said, he must particularly intreat their lordships' indulg

Having premised thus much, his grace proceeded to inform their lordships, that he meant to go into an investigation of the expences which the American war had cost the nation; and as he had heard that proposals for peace were agitating in the lower House of Parliament, he was particularly happy in having been able to prepare the subject for their lordships, as he thought it might essentially tend to direct the lords in office in the pursuit of their pacific purposes, and in the forwarding of those measures which he understood would shortly be submitted to the consideration of the House: respecting these motions, his grace declared, he should for the present reserve his sentiments, as he thought them too material and important to be spoken to upon hearsay, or the vague report of any particular expressions which might have fallen from any person in the course of conversation in another House of Parliament, but that he should pay every possible attention to the subject, when it was committed to paper, and was regularly before their lordships.

In order the better to ascertain the expences of the war, the duke said, he had taken the ratio of the public cost for four of the years when we enjoyed profound peace; and as we had not been burthened with expence on account of any foreign war, during the continuance of our war with America, he conceived that it was fair to ascribe to that alone every excess in point of public expenditure, which could be made appear to have taken place during that period, upon a comparison with the state of the public expenditure in time of

« ElőzőTovább »