had failed in their attempt to engage confederated Indians) to follow the plausible line of neutrality in the temper of moderation and humanity. They are an informed, a wise, and a prudent body of men; all their conduct has been measured by the rules which wisdom and prudence dictate; they, therefore, first tried to engage the Indians, knowing that there is an absolute, unavoidable, and direct necessity of employing the Indians offensively, and mixing them in with their arms and operations. Without referring to, or quoting the whole course of the French and English politics, in America, respecting this matter; and their various attempts to engage and secure the arms of the Indians to their respective party; I will inform the House, that one and almost the sole purpose of the Congress of deputies from all the colonies in America, convened and held at Albany in 1754, was to persuade and engage the Indians of the Five Nations and their allies to take up the hatchet (in aid of the British cause) against the French. So much for the spirit of American politics in this case. And, in consequence of the absolute, unavoidable, and direct necessity of such measures, the instructions given last war uniformly by the several succeeding ministers, to general Braddock, to general Shirley, to lord Loudon, to general Abercrombie, and general Amherst, were to this very purpose. From seeing that the Indians must be employed; from seeing that the necessity was unavoidable; from feeling, at the same time, a horror of their being permitted to act their cruelties in violation of every idea of humanity, contrary to every principle of the law of nations, and the jura belli observed by civilized nations amongst each other, it was, that, being in a situation which gave a right and power to do it, I formed in consultation and concert with my friend, colonel, afterwards, sir William Johnson, the plan of Indian administration and establishment, which put the Indians, when employed in conjunction with our troops, under such a superintendency and lead as might direct their operations, inconformity to the laws of nations and jura belli; the establishment of the superintendency; the forming the Indians into war companies; the getting war-leaders (by means agreeable to their own mode of choosing them) appointed to command and conduct them; the forms of the commissions and instructions, were all settled at that time. From that period, I believe few, if any,

of those outrageous acts of cruelty and barbarity, before experienced, have been , committed. In 1756, upon the appointment of sir W. Johnson to be colonel of the Six Nations, the Indians engaged to be employed under lord Loudon were formed into four companies, with officers appointed over them. The forms of the commissions and instructions settled at that time were constantly observed during the whole of the last war: and upon my asking the question in office, I have been told that the same have been observed during this unhappy war. If any commander in chief has at any time been induced, from any ideas, different from this preventive system, to give a loose to that rein by which the savage spirit of the Indians was restrained; or, if any improper persons have been employed, who have encouraged, or even permitted the Indians to indulge their old savage cruelty, such, I think, deserve the most severe punishment. We ought first to enquire, whether the like establishments have been observed; whether the like commissions and instructions have been issued in this war as in the last: we ought farther to enquire, whether any improper people have been employed 2 whether they have carried their command so as to encourage or permit any cruelties or savage rigours in the execution? We cannot condemn what from necessity has been a constant and invariable measure in the American warfare, that of employing Indians: but if any savage barbarities, contrary to the law of nations and the jura belli, have been committed, there our censure ought to fall; and in proportion as the fault rises into criminality, that censure ought to be accompanied with punishment. So much, Sir, for what is past. If the House will indulge me to speak to arrangements, which I think might be taken for the future, respecting these Indian services, I think the necessity of employing them may be avoided; I know, and therefore speak directly, that any idea of an Indian neutrality is nonsense, is delusive, dangerous nonsense; if both we and the Americans were agreed to observe a strict neutrality in not employing them, they would then plunder and scalp both parties indiscriminately. Although this is my opinion, founded on the knowledge and experience I have had in these matters; yet I am persuaded, that if we and the Ame

ricans could come to some stipulation, or

convention, that we would mutually, and Colonel Barré highly complimented in one spirit of good faith, not suffer the Mr. Burke on his speech, and hoped he Indians to intermeddle, but to consider would publish it, which if he did, he would and act against them as enemies, wherever go and nail it upon every church-door, they did execute any hostilities against where he saw the King's proclamation for any of the British nation, equally, whether the fast. He shewed, from former transacEnglish or Americans, all this horrid busi- tions in the late war, how difficult it was ness might be prevented, or at least in for any general to keep the savages in any great measure restrained. If government kind of order, especially where the numwould in the true spirit and temper of hu- ber of regulars was not sufficient to overmanity adopt this idea, and if parliament awe them. He mentioned an instance, would by any means find their way to give in which he had the good fortune to presanction to it: if government, in this serve the life of a prisoner, but that it temper, and under this sanction, would was with the utmost difficulty and dexpropose to the Congress the terms of such terity that he had accomplished it by a convention, I am certain, that the Con- stealing as it were the man from their gress would embrace it with sincerity, and hands, not by dint of discipline or threats. execute it with good faith. This is a He mentioned that in the late affair be. measure that would have nothing to do tween col. St. Leger and general Harkener, with the object of the war; and yet this near Fort Stanwix, several of the general's spirit, thus aiming to regulate the means men being taken prisoners, sir W. Johnof restraining its rigours and cruelty, might son, who commanded the savages, fipding become the first seed of peace. This several of the prisoners, who from his own would open grounds that might lead to knowledge, were not friends to the Amemutual good dispositions and good offices ; / rican cause, but forced into the service, and who shall say what may not arise out | he separated them from the rest of the priof this; I think I see clearly, such a be- soners, putting them into a house, and ginning would end in peace; government telling the Indians, that they were his will not commit any of its rights or in friends, and their persons sacred; and yet terests in making the proposal; the very in the night the houses were broke open, making it would lay the grounds of agree-, and those very men massacred. ment.' [Here a mark of almost general Mr. James Luttrell repeated lord G. approbation showed itself by, Hear him! Germaine's words, “ if we were sure the from all sides of the House.] I hail the Americans would not employ the Indians, happy omen; I think I see the spirit of if we ceased to employ them, he should peace arising in the House, and may it certainly prefer neutrality to such horrid animate all our breasts ! I am so confident massacre;" he objected to giving ministers that this measure would be adopted and the credit of preferring neutrality, when succeed; and that it would finally lead to that neutrality was so evidently in their the opening a treaty for peace itself; that power to be acquired, not by application if government will take it up as a measure, to the savages, but to the Americans ; for and this House give its sanction to it, I | if both sides refused to pay for scalps, will, without commission, without pay, or the Indians must prefer the selling of furs, the expectation of any reward whatsoever, venison, or wild fowl, to a human butchery, go myself to the Congress, and make the attended with infinite danger to themproposal: and though I take with me no selves, and no profit. That they might be commission, by which government may be employed as pilots and hunters, though committed ; yet if the proposal is accepted he thought their shewing general Burand agreed to, I will find a way to give as- goyne the Hudson's river, had proved no surance to the Congress, that they may advantage to this country. He could not act on my proposal; I will put myself into conceive neutrality an absurdity, because their hands as an hostage for the truth of it would imply, that the minister who what I propose, and for the good faith of stated it to the House as a wise measure government. On this ground I am ready was ignorant and uninformed; and it was to set out this moment. I feel not a little not common sense to say the Americans happy that what I have said is well re- would not agree to it, when they are the ceived by the House ; whether it will be sufferers by the present employment of accepted and adopted by government, I the savages. He wished for the papers know not. . I feel that I have done my relative to negociations with the Indians, duty.

because ministerial assertions were not [VOL. XIX.]

Į ( 2 Z]

equal to parliamentary proof, and their other. That as to the negroes who were concealing the truth implied a fear of set at liberty from their masters, and inbeing justly censured for a want of huma- listed to join our army, the proclamation nity, disgraceful to the character of the of lord Dunmore did not call on them to nation.

murder their masters, as had been said in Governor Johnstone expatiated on the the debate, but only to take up arms in debad policy of employing such a banditti. fence of their sovereign ; but he was wil. He paid the highest compliments to Mr. ling lord Dunmore's proclamation should Burke's oratory, and expressed himself be laid on the table, that, if reprehensible, happy that on this day strangers were not it might be attended to. That as to admitted into the gallery, as it might cruelty, he had been informed that several have been to be feared, that so great would of the provincials had been hanged up, by have been their indignation at the two a dozen at a time, for no other crime but noble lords (North and Germain), and to that of driving their hogs or cattle to the such a pitch of enthusiasm would they have English camp, which camp was not in any been worked, that he should have expected need of provisions, having been completely those lords would have been torn in pieces furnished from the country with as much by the people in the way to their houses as would last them months, and therefore

Mr. Rigby pretty strongly declared, that the provisions intended to be brought in there had been mismanagement some were for the use of the inhabitants of Phi. where, that it ought to be enquired into, ladelphia, not of the army. He called on and the nation receive full satisfaction. the military gentlemen in the House to He vindicated the measure of employing declare, if this proceeding was warranted the savages, and said, they might be kept by the rules of war of any nation whatever. in order, as there was an instance of ge- General Conway said, that the noble neral Amherst having done it in the late lord's question could only be answered war. In this he alluded to a story told by by the circumstances of the case. That colonel Barré, that general Amherst had when a town was besieged or blockaded, told the savages, that for the future they and the general who commanded such should not murder any person, upon which siege or blockade, had hopes of success by 3,000 of them left his camp the next starving the others, and should then pubnight.

| lish that no person should bring in provi. Mr. Fox observed, that the idea of keep-sions on pain of death, that a breach of ing the savages in order, was exactly si- such orders would be so punished, and milar to that of keeping the American's the general excusable ; but if starving the so. That general. Amherst had lost all enemy was not the point aimed at, they his men as soon as he attempted it, as this seldom proceeded to such extremities. nation had America. He proved, that That it was necessary to know the prethe Americans had not entered into any cise time when Washington had done this treaty with the savages until some months (if he had done it) as he believed there after the date of the English treaty, and was a point of time when the army had shewed that to prove the fact was an addi. | not taken Mud-Island, and might be suptional reason for producing the papers. posed to want provisions. He likewise observed, that the tone of mi- | The House then divided : nisters was greatly altered : formerly it

Tellers. was“ God and Nature ;” now it was simple “ necessity.”

von Mr. Thomas Townshend).

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Sir Henry Hoghton • 29

NOES 3 Mr. Robinson - - - day, though for another reason, namely, lest they should be worked up into an So it passed in the negative. indignation and horror against the gentlemen on the other side of the House, Proceedings in the Lords respecting the for declaring sentiments so contrary to Commercial Losses occasioned by the Amethose which the honour and dignity of the rican War.) Feb. 6. In the Committee country demanded. That in respect to on the State of the Nation, the duke of the employment of the savages, he looked Richmond desired Mr. Alderman Wool. on it as bad, but unavoidable ; that they dridge might be called to the bar, and were of that nature, that if one side did examined. not, they would enter immediately on the Mr. Wooldridge was accordingly called

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in. He stated the number of ships lost by capture, or destroyed by American privateers, since the commencement of the war, to be 733, of which, after deducting for those retaken and restored, there remained 559; the value of which, including the ships, cargoes, &c. amounted, upon a very moderate calculation, to 1,800,633l. 18s. Of these ships, 247 were ships trading to the West Indies and the island of Jamaica. In proof of the correctness of this statement, he produced an account, which he declared he had made out, with the assistance of Mr. Hake, secretary to the subscribers to Lloyd's coffee-house, where a book, containing a faithful register of all the ships that sailed outward, or were entered inward, from and at all the ports in Great Britain and Ireland, with the names of the owners and captains, the account of their last voyage, tonnage, state of repair, and quality, was kept, with the most minute correctness; and from which book his account was

taken. The alderman further stated, that |

the average value of a ship and cargo, trading to Jamaica, was 8,000l. on her outward, 10,000l. on her homeward voyage. That the average value of a ship and cargo, trading to the other West India islands, was 6,060l. outward, and 8,000l. homeward. That insurance before the war was 2 per cent. to America, and 2%

er cent. to North Carolina, Jamaica, &c.

hat insurance to America, Africa, and the West Indies, was now more than double, even with the convoy, and without convoy, unless the ship was a ship of force, 15 per cent. That seamen's wages were now raised from 25 and 28, to 55, and in some instances up as high as 65 shillings, per month. That the increased value of sugars, &c. paid the merchants'sufficiently for the increased price of insurance, but the weight fell on the consumer of the commodities exported and imported. That the various articles formerly imported from America, were now considerably advanced in price. Tobacco from 7d.; a pound to 2s. 4d. Pitch from 8s. a barrel to 35s. Tar, turpentine, oil and pig iron had risen in the same proportion. Indigo, and some other ič. had increased in price, but not quite so much as the articles above-mentioned. That there had been upon the seas during the war 173 sail of American privateers; the first of which, that the merchants heard of, was the Yankee privateer, taken in May 1776. That about 34 of the 173 had been taken

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and destroyed by our men of war, cruizers, armed ships, &c. That in the said 173 American privateers, there were at least 13,000 and odd seamen, and 2,000 and odd carriage guns, exclusive of swivels and cohorns. In proof of the correctness of these accounts of the number of American privateers, seamen and guns, the alderman declared, that he made out his list from the letters received by the owners of English ships (which had been taken) from the captains of such ships, who always stated in their letters where they were, where they were taken, the names of the captors, the size and tonnage of their ships, the number of their guns, and the number of their men, and also from the Admiralty office account of captures by the King's ships, published in the London Gazette. That he had averaged the men at 80 in each ship, which was a calculation of a very moderate nature, since he believed the number of seamen in the 173 American privateers were nearer 20,000, than 13,000. The alderman gave his opinion, that the manufactories of this kingdom, especially that of iron, were not increased in point of export since the war began; that the American war had been the cause of many bankruptcies; that when the Prohibitory Act passed, there might be about two millions due to the merchants of Great Britain from America; that in the six months allowed by the Act for the continuance of an intercourse between the two countries, the Americans had transmitted about 500,000l. worth of goods, in part of payment of their debts to their creditors at home; that those 500,000l. worth of goods, were they now on hand, would be worth two millions, from the increased price of the various articles; that at present, there was due from America to the merchants of Great Britain, at least 1,500,000l.; that upon an average, the debt was not worth 5s, in the pound; that it was more or less valuable, according to the provinces in which the debtors resided; that in North and South Carolina, and such parts as had not been the seat of war, where the persons of the inhabitants and their property had not been destroyed by fire and sword, the merchants thought their money tolerably safe, should an intercourse be again brought about between Great Britain and America; but that in the province of New York and Pennsylvania, the debts due to English merchants were of little worth; that there was a debt of

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72,000l. due in particular to the house in which he had lately been a partner; that, to speak for one, he would gladly sell it for 10s. in the pound. He further stated, that the trade to America and the West India islands, previous to the commencement of the war, might amount to about eleven millions annually. After answering of other questions of a less important nature, the evidence was desired to withdraw. Beeston Long, esq. was next called. The answers given by Mr. Long to the

few W. put to him, confirmed what Mr. Wooldridge had stated, relative to

the careful manner in which the register of ships was kept at Lloyd's coffee house, and the general idea of its authenticity which prevailed with the merchants, insurers, underwriters, &c. Mr. Abraham Hake also corroborated the testimony of Mr. Wooldridge, declaring that he was secretary to the society of merchants at Lloyd's, and that he kept the register-books. Mr. Hake also gave proof of the pains that were taken to preserve it from error, and render its authenticity indisputable. William Creighton, esq. not only corroborated the alderman in the most material points, but added many new facts which had fallen within his own knowledge. He stated the losses suffered by the merchants, in consequence of the captures made by the American privateers, to have amounted to at least two millions in Oc. tober last, and that by this time they could not be less than 2,200,000l. That the first losses of the merchants were occasioned by the prohibition of their sending out a single pound of powder in their ships, which was strictly enforced previous to the merchants being stimulated to petition the privy council, and obtain licenses to arm their ships. That letters of marque were hardly worth taking out, as they were of little service, unless those who had them fell in with an American tobacco ship, and that was as much a matter of chance as the obtainment of a 10 or 20,000l. prize in the lottery. That the windward islands had been most exposed to the depredations of the Americans, from having an insufficient number of ships to guard and protect them. That the island of Tobago, in particular, had for a long time no man of war near it, and that in consequence the Americans had landed and ravaged the plantations, carrying fifty negroes at a time off one estate,

That at length he, with other merchants, had applied in form to the lords of the Admiralty, and desired that two ships might be sent there; that the greatest attention had been paid them at the Admiraltyoffice, .." the prayer of their petition had been instantly complied with. That he foresaw that Tobago would share the fate it did, long before it happened from viewing its situation in the charts, and knowing that the ships on the West India station were inadequate to the protection of so many islands. That the prohibition of the merchants having gunpowder on board their ships, merely to prevent powder and ball being conveyed to the rebels, was ill founded, because that as long as America found money, there could be no doubt of her obtaining ammunition, &c. G. Olive, esq. proved the damage done the Newfoundland traders; fifty of whose ships he declared had been taken, of about the average value of 2,000l. each, beside a great many small vessels, of about 2 or 300l. value upon the banks.—Upon his cross-examination, he declared that the trade was much improved of late, and that in consequence of the Americans being deprived of the means of pursuing it, we sent more fish to Bilboa and the foreign markets than ever, and that if men and ships could be procured, it would turn out a very beneficial branch of commerce; but that the fishermen’s price was increased from 8 to 14l. a voyage, and the seamen’s wages from 35 to 70s. a month. John Shoolbred, esq. of Mark-lane, declared himself an African merchant and an under-writer. He confirmed the accounts of the book at Lloyd's, and stated that the African trade had been materially injured in consequence of the American war: that upwards of 200 sail were generally engaged in that trade, previous to the war: that not a fourth of that number, not above 40 ships, were now sent out: that 15 of the ships and cargoes had been taken by the Americans: that the average value of the cargo of a ship to Africa, outwards, was about 7,000l. and her homeward freight of slaves worth about 9,000l.: that each slave was worth at least 35l.: that the value of the ships lost was 140,000l. upon a very moderate calculation: that the first ship was taken in March, 1777 ; the Americans not having before that time any market to carry the cargo of African ships to ; and that all the ships were taken near, and most of them in ol. of Barbadoes, after having got over every

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