the unarmed and defenceless men, women, | mains of that people now lived in a state and children, of a country, widely dis- of servitude to the Carolinians. persed in their habitations, was manifest, and left those who attempted so inhuman and unequal a retaliation without a possibility of excuse. The other heads of defence were, "That great care had been taken to prevent that indiscriminate murder of men, women, and children, which was customary with the savages ;" and "that they were always accompanied by disciplined troops to prevent their irregularities." On these he observed, that if the fact had been true, the service of the savages would have been a jest; their employment could have answered no purpose; their only effective use consisted in that cruelty which was to be restrained; but he shewed, that it was so utterly impossible for any care or humanity to prevent or even restrain their enormities, that the very attempt was ridiculous: in proof of which, both the present and former wars afforded numerous instances; and it particularly appeared, both in general Burgoyne's and colonel St. Leger's expeditions, that, although no pains were neglected to check their barbarity, they indiscriminately murdered men, women, and children, friends and foes, without distinction; and that even the slaughter fell mostly upon those who were best affected to the King's government, and who, upon that account, had been lately disarmed by the Provincials. The murder of Miss M'Rea, on the morning of her intended marriage with an officer of the King's troops, and the massacre in cold blood of the prisoners who had been taken in the engagement with general Harkemer, only needed to be mentioned to excite horror, and at the same time to shew the imprac ticability of restraining the barbarities of the savages. With respect to the latter of the foregoing positions, "That the savages had always been accompanied with regular troops," Mr. Burke gave it a direct contradiction. He shewed, that whole nations of savages had been bribed to take up the hatchet, without a single regular officer or soldier amongst them. This had been particularly the case of the Cherokees, who were bribed and betrayed into war, under the promise of being assisted by a large regular force; they had accordingly invaded Carolina in their usual manner, but for want of the promised support, were nearly exterminated; and the re He then stated the monstrous expence, as well as the inefficacy, of that kind of ally; and the unfortunate consequences that had attended their employment. That one Indian soldier cost as much as five of the best regular or irregular European troops. That the expence of these Indians had not been less than 150,000l. and yet there never had been more than seven or eight hundred of them in the field, and that only for a very short time. So that it appeared as if our ministers thought, that inhumanity and murder could not be purchased at too dear a rate. He shewed that this ally was not less faithless than inefficacious and cruel. That on the least appearance of ill success, they not only abandoned their friends, but frequently turned their arms upon them. And he attributed the fatal catastrophe at Saratoga to the cruelties exercised by these barbarians, which obliged all mankind, without regard to party, or to political principles, and in despite of military indisposition, to become soldiers, and to unite as one man in the common defence. Thus was the spectacle exhibited of a resistless army springing up in the woods and deserts. He also passed some severe strictures on the endeavours in two of the southern colonies to excite an insurrection of the negro-slaves against their masters. He insisted that the proclamation for that purpose was directly contrary to the common and statute law of this country, as well as to the general law of nations. He stated, in strong colours, the nature of an insurrection of negroes; the horrible consequences that might ensue from constituting 100,000 fierce barbarian slaves, to be both the judges and executioners of their masters; and appealed to all those who were acquainted either with the West India islands or the southern colonies, as to the murders, rapes, and horrid enormities of every kind, which had ever been acknowledged to be the principal objects in the contemplation of all negroes who had meditated an insurrection. gour and care of the white inhabitants in Virginia and Maryland had providentially kept down the insurrection of the negroes. But if they had succeeded, he asked what means were proposed for governing those negroes, when they had reduced the province to their obedience, and made themselves masters of the houses, goods, wives, and daughters of their murdered lords? The vi Another war must be made with them, and another massacre ensue; adding confusion to confusion, and destruction to destruction. The result was, that our national honour had been deeply wounded, and our character as a people debased in the estimation of foreigners, by those shameful, savage, and servile alliances, and their barbarous consequences. That instead of any military effect of value, they had only led to defeat, ruin, and disgrace; serving to embitter the minds of all men, and to unite and arm all the colonies against us. That the ineffective attempt upon the negroes was the grand cause of that greater aversion and resentment, which appeared in the southern, than in many of the central and northern colonies; of their being the first to abjure the King; and of the declaration made by Virginia, that if the rest should submit, they would notwithstanding hold out singly to the last extremity for what security could they re ceive, that, if they admitted an English governor, he would not raise their negroes on them, whenever he thought it good to construe any occasional disturbances into a rebellion, and to adopt martial law as a system of government? He concluded, that the only remedy for the alienation of affections, and the distrust and terror of our government, which had been brought on by these inhuman measures, was for parliament to enquire seriously and strictly into them; and, by the most marked and public disapprobation, to convince the world that they had no share in practices which were not more disgraceful to a great and civilized nation, than they were contrary to all true policy, and repugnant to all the feelings of humanity. For that it was not in human nature for any people to place a confidence in those to whom they attributed such unparalleled sufferings and miseries; and the colonies would never be brought to believe, that those who were capable of carrying on a war in so cruel and dishonourable a manner, could be depended on for a sound, equitable, and cordial peace; much less that they could be safeJy entrusted with power and dominion.. were employed by government to create and preserve alliances among the Indian nations; and finally, that the House every session approved of, and recognized those alliances and treaties, by voting specific sums of money, to be paid into the hands of the superintendant, to be laid out in presents, and distributed among the leading warriors and chiefs. Sir Alexander Leith was severe on lord George Germain, who, he said, was the sole author and contriver of those barbarous measures. He was astonished that the noble lord, considering several circumstances which he abstained from mentioning, could presume to intrude himself into an office he was unqualified to fill; and he was still much more astonished that he dare continue in it, when his own experience must have long since convinced him, that he was totally unworthy of it. Every single measure he had recommended himself, or adopted from others, exhibited so many proofs of his incapacity; and when his conduct was brought to the test, he affirmed, that the noble lord would be found in every respect, unequal to the high office, which he supposed he had usurped. Here he was called to order by the Chair. Lord George Germain said, he could never sit silent, and hear such unbecoming personalities made to his face. He begged leave to assure the hon. gentleman, if they were sincere, they must have arisen from prejudice, and were ill founded. He was an old member of that House; and he defied any gentleman to say, that he had ever used personalities himself. He always carefully abstained from them; and whatever his provocations to retort might be on the present occasion, he should give one more proof of the same mode of conducting himself. He wished sincerely that his conduct might be fully and immediately enquired into. He was certain it would turn out to his honour; but until that event took place, he thought it was both unparliamentary and uncandid to make personal attacks upon him, which he should always, in future, look upon as meant to prejudice that House against him. His lordship then spoke shortly to Mr. Serj. Adair seconded the motion. the question, and justified the conduct of Mr. De Grey spoke in defence of em-administration. He said the matter lay ploying the savages; said, that Indian trea-within a very narrow compass; the Inties had been made during the last war; dians would not have remained idle specthat they had been continued, from time tators; the very arguments used by the to time, down to the present hour; that hon. mover were so many proofs that they it was well known that superintendants would not; besides, the rebels, by their + has had occasion to know so much of this matter, as it fell to my lot to have during the last war. My horror of their cruel services does not arise from the paintings of imagination, but from what I have known of the fact: there is not so hellish, so unfair an engine of war, as the service of the Indian savage, when mixed in with the wars of civilized nations. What, then, must we think of it? What must be our feelings, when they are employed in a war between parts of the same nation, branches of the same family, in the war between us and our brethren. emissaries, had made frequent applications to the Indians to side with them; the Virginians particularly; and, some Indians were employed at Boston, in the rebel army. Now taking the disposition of the Indians with the applications which had been made to them by the colonies, it amounted to a clear, undisputed proposition, that either they would have served against us, or that we must have employed them. This being the alternative, he contended for the necessity of employing them, and was ready to submit his conduct on that ground, to the judgment of the House. The mutual feelings of humanity, and a spirit of honour, have amidst civilized laws to a state of war; have laid a restraint on havoc, and given limits to destruction and bloodshed. There are, even in rigours of war, the jura belli, which civilized nations have adopted, and do almost universally observe. The war of the savage, instead of being a contest of right by power regulated and restrained by any feelings of honour or humanity, is an unrestrained effusion of the passions of revenge and blood-thirstiness, est certare odiis, is a war of universal ravage and devastation to utter destruction; instead of giving laws to war, it gives the name and effect of right to every cruel exertion of passion, revenge, and barbarity, jusque datum sceleri. If, therefore, the Indians have ever, in this war, been employed in any case where an absolute, unavoidable and direct necessity did not call for it, nothing can ever justify it.-I am sure my opinion never shall. I consider, therefore, the case of this American war; its operations are combined with the nature of the country, more than half a wilderness, and with the interests and nature of the Indians who inhabit this wil. derness. No war can be carried on in that country in which the Indians will not Mr. T. Townshend contended, that the House was not in possession of any parlia-nations, defined even rights, and given mentary proof, to induce it to suppose, that overtures had been made by the Congress to the Indian powers; on the contrary, from the best information, the fact was the direct reverse. There had been a meeting between persons on the part of the colonies and the Indian chiefs, and there it was well known, that all the deputies desired, was a neutrality on the part of the Indians. One of the first public acts of the Congress, besides, was, a letter, addressed to the several Indian nations, in which they stated the utmost of their desires to be no more than an acquiescence in this neutrality; but granting the fact as stated by the noble lord in its fullest extent to be true, it would not meet the main objection stated by the hon. mover, which was, not that those barbarities would be exercised on men with arms in their hands, or made captives in battle; but on innocent, peaceable people in their habitations: unless, therefore, the noble lord would make one supposition more, which was, that the slaves in the southern colonies, as well as the savages, would make a forced march over to Great Britain, and execute here what the two proclamations now read invited them to per-mix. That belligerent power which hath petrate in America; the pretence of employing them to murder old men, women, and children, instead of making war against their armed enemies, even in their usual way, was entirely at an end. He then gave an account of Lacorne, and his method of acting, when he had the command of Indians. Governor Pownall: Sir; no man can have a more determined abhorrence of the employing the Indian savages in our wars, than I have; because no man, in this House at least, not them with it, will have them against it. The idea of a neutrality is a delusive notion, and impracticable in fact; and never was taken up by any party, but as a succedaneum, to be tried after such party had miscarried in the attempt, to engage the Indians to act offensively with them. These were the politics of the French in the last war; after we had got the Indians from them, and engaged to us, their whole efforts were employed to engage the Indians to a neutrality. The same spirit of politics, on the same ground, led the Congress, in this war, (after they had failed in their attempt to engage confederated Indians) to follow the plausible line of neutrality in the temper of moderation and humanity. They are an informed, a wise, and a prudent body of men; all their conduct has been measured by the rules which wisdom and prudence dictate; they, therefore, first tried to engage the Indians, knowing that there is an absolute, unavoidable, and direct necessity of employing the Indians offensively, and mixing them in with their arms and operations. Without referring to, or quoting the whole course of the French and English politics, in America, respecting this matter; and their various attempts to engage and secure the arms of the Indians to their respective party; I will inform the House, that one and almost the sole purpose of the Congress of deputies from all the colonies in America, convened and held at Albany in 1754, was to persuade and engage the Indians of the Five Nations and their allies to take up the hatchet (in aid of the British cause) against the French. So much for the spirit of American politics in this case. And, in consequence of the absolute, unavoidable, and direct necessity of such measures, the instructions given last war uniformly by the several succeeding ministers, to general Braddock, to general Shirley, to lord Loudon, to general Abercrombie, and general Amherst, were to this very purpose. From seeing that the Indians must be employed; from seeing that the necessity was unavoidable; from feeling, at the same time, a horror of their being permitted to act their cruelties in violation of every idea of humanity, contrary to every principle of the law of nations, and the jura belli observed by civilized nations amongst each other, it was, that, being in a situation which gave a right and power to do it, I formed in consultation and concert with my friend, colonel, afterwards, sir William Johnson, the plan of Indian administration and establishment, which put the Indians, when employed in conjunction with our troops, under such a superintendency and lead as might direct their operations, in conformity to the laws of nations and jura belli; the establishment of the superintendency; the forming the Indians into war companies; the getting war-leaders (by means agreeable to their own mode of choosing them) appointed to command and conduct them; the forms of the commissions and instructions, were all settled at that time. From that period, I believe few, if any, of those outrageous acts of cruelty and barbarity, before experienced, have been committed. In 1756, upon the appointment of sir W. Johnson to be colonel of the Six Nations, the Indians engaged to be employed under lord Loudon were formed into four companies, with officers appointed over them. The forms of the commissions and instructions settled at that time were constantly observed during the whole of the last war: and upon my asking the question in office, I have been told that the same have been observed during this unhappy war. If any commander in chief has at any time been induced, from any ideas, different from this preventive system, to give a loose to that rein by which the savage spirit of the Indians was restrained; or, if any improper persons have been employed, who have encouraged, or even permitted the Indians to indulge their old savage cruelty, such, I think, deserve the most severe punishment. We ought first to enquire, whe ther the like establishments have been observed; whether the like commissions and instructions have been issued in this war as in the last: we ought farther to enquire, whether any improper people have been employed? whether they have carried their command so as to encourage or permit any cruelties or savage rigours in the execution? We cannot condemn what from necessity has been a constant and invariable measure in the American warfare, that of employing Indians: but if any savage barbarities, contrary to the law of nations and the jura belli, have been committed, there our censure ought to fall; and in proportion as the fault rises into criminality, that censure ought to be accompanied with punishment. So much, Sir, for what is past. If the House will indulge me to speak to arrangements, which I think might be taken for the future, respecting these Indian services, I think the necessity of employing them may be avoided; I know, and therefore speak directly, that any idea of an Indian neutrality is nonsense, is delusive, dangerous nonsense; if both we and the Americans were agreed to observe a strict neutrality in not employing them, they would then plunder and scalp both parties indiscriminately. Although this is my opi nion, founded on the knowledge and experience I have had in these matters; yet I am persuaded, that if we and the Americans could come to some stipulation, or Colonel Barré highly complimented Mr. Burke on his speech, and hoped he would publish it, which if he did, he would go and nail it upon every church-door, where he saw the King's proclamation for the fast. He shewed, from former transactions in the late war, how difficult it was for any general to keep the savages in any kind of order, especially where the number of regulars was not sufficient to overawe them. He mentioned an instance, in which he had the good fortune to preserve the life of a prisoner, but that it was with the utmost difficulty and dexterity that he had accomplished it by stealing as it were the man from their hands, not by dint of discipline or threats. He mentioned that in the late affair between col. St. Leger and general Harkener, near Fort Stanwix, several of the general's men being taken prisoners, sir W. Johnson, who commanded the savages, finding several of the prisoners, who from his own knowledge, were not friends to the American cause, but forced into the service, he separated them from the rest of the prisoners, putting them into a house, and telling the Indians, that they were his friends, and their persons sacred; and yet in the night the houses were broke open, and those very men massacred. convention, that we would mutually, and in one spirit of good faith, not suffer the Indians to intermeddle, but to consider and act against them as enemies, wherever they did execute any hostilities against any of the British nation, equally, whether English or Americans, all this horrid business might be prevented, or at least in great measure restrained. If government would in the true spirit and temper of humanity adopt this idea, and if parliament would by any means find their way to give sanction to it: if government, in this temper, and under this sanction, would propose to the Congress the terms of such a convention, I am certain, that the Congress would embrace it with sincerity, and execute it with good faith. This is a measure that would have nothing to do with the object of the war; and yet this spirit, thus aiming to regulate the means of restraining its rigours and cruelty, might become the first seed of peace. This would open grounds that might lead to mutual good dispositions and good offices; and who shall say what may not arise out of this; I think I see clearly, such a beginning would end in peace; government will not commit any of its rights or interests in making the proposal; the very making it would lay the grounds of agreement. [Here a mark of almost general approbation showed itself by, Hear him! from all sides of the House.] I hail the happy omen; I think I see the spirit of peace arising in the House, and may it animate all our breasts! I am so confident that this measure would be adopted and succeed; and that it would finally lead to the opening a treaty for peace itself; that if government will take it up as a measure, and this House give its sanction to it, I will, without commission, without pay, or the expectation of any reward whatsoever, go myself to the Congress, and make the proposal: and though I take with me no commission, by which government may be committed; yet if the proposal is accepted and agreed to, I will find a way to give assurance to the Congress, that they may act on my proposal; I will put myself into their hands as an hostage for the truth of what I propose, and for the good faith of government. On this ground I am ready to set out this moment. I feel not a little happy that what I have said is well received by the House; whether it will be accepted and adopted by government, I know not. I feel that I have done my duty. [VOL. XIX.] Mr. James Luttrell repeated lord G. Germaine's words, "if we were sure the Americans would not employ the Indians, if we ceased to employ them, he should certainly prefer neutrality to such horrid massacre;" he objected to giving ministers the credit of preferring neutrality, when that neutrality was so evidently in their power to be acquired, not by application to the savages, but to the Americans; for if both sides refused to pay for scalps, the Indians must prefer the selling of furs, venison, or wild fowl, to a human butchery, attended with infinite danger to themselves, and no profit. That they might be employed as pilots and hunters, though he thought their shewing general Burgoyne the Hudson's river, had proved no advantage to this country. He could not conceive neutrality an absurdity, because it would imply, that the minister who stated it to the House as a wise measure was ignorant and uninformed; and it was not common sense to say the Americans would not agree to it, when they are the sufferers by the present employment of the savages. He wished for the papers relative to negociations with the Indians, because ministerial assertions were not [2 Z] 1 |