came as the spontaneous and generous ef. fusions of love and loyalty to the King, and as a testimony of their zeal to support the legislature of Great Britain against the rebellion in America. Sir W. Meredith replied to lord North, that it was unjust to give any sanction to his own administration, at the expence of the reputation of another; that lord Chatham's conduct, which he represented to be the same as his own, was nothing like it; that the subscriptions then were to raise recruits for old regiments which had suffered in the wars; which had been raised under the authority of parliament, approved, voted, and for a long time paid by parliament: whereas, in the present case, both the money had been levied, and the troops raised, during the sitting of parliament, without the consent, knowledge, or any communication with parliament whatever; that the precedent for his lordship's conduct might be drawn with more correctness from that of James the 2nd, who, on the duke of Monmouth’s landing in the West, had adjourned the parliament, for the very purpose of levying the troops himself, without the interference of parliament, in order to chuse such as were most attached to his person, and most likely to serve his purposes. He then went through the history of all benevolences, from the reign of Edward the 4th, to the present time; that they had been suppressed by two acts of parliament, which are now in force, and had been treated as unconstitutional always, parti•cularly in the reign of James the 1st, when the king attempted to raise a subscription in a manner exactly similar to the present; namely, by sending certain of his confidential servants to different parts of the kingdom to raise spontaneous and voluntary subscriptions, unaccompanied with any circumstance of force whatever. Mr. St. John, who was esteemed the best constitutional lawyer in the kingdom, and afterwards lord chief justice, opposed those subscriptions with great vehemence, and declared, that the attempt to get money for the king’s use in that way, was a breach of his majesty's coronation oath, and an abetting of perjury, in all those who subscribed.* Mr. Gascoygne was entering into some rsonal invective against sir W. Meredith, but the Speaker stopped him, which sir William, in reply, said he was sorry for;

*See Howell's State Trials, vol.2, p. 900.

because the more that hon. gentleman abused him, the better he thought of himself; that the effusions of his eloquence were incapable of the guilt of slander; they were, on the contrary, satisfactory and reputable.

The Resolution of the Committee was then agreed to.

Debate on Mr. Burke’s Motion relative to the Military Employment of Indians in the Civil War with America.] Feb. 6. Mr. Burke moved, “ That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, that he will be graciously pleased to give directions, that there be laid before this House, Copies of all Papers that have passed between any of his Majesty's ministers, and the generals of his armies in America, or any person acting for government in Indian affairs, relative to the Mi

litary Employment of the Indians of Ame

rica, in the present Civil War, from the 1st of March 1774, to the 1st of January 1778.”* Mr. Burke began by observing, that one of the grand objects of the enquiry into the State of the Nation, was the conduct and quality of the troops employed in America. That an account of the King's regular forces, and those of his European allies, were already before them. That hitherto no account had appeared of his irregular forces, particularly those of his savage allies; although great dependance had been placed upon them, and they had been obtained at a very great expence. That it was necessary to examine into this point; because an extension of their mode of making war had lately been strenuously recommended. The prevailing idea was, that, in the next campaign, the plans hitherto pursued were to be abandoned; and a war of distress and intimidation was

* Strangers were excluded during this debate. Mr. Burke spoke for nearly three hours and a half. Many gave the Speech a preference to any other he had ever spoken. indeed, this applause was carried to such a pitch, that while one gentleman, in his place, wished it to be printed, and affixed to all the church doors which contained the proclamation for a general fast, a member of great distinction congratulated the ministers upon admitting no strangers on that day into the gallery, as the indignation of the people might have been excited against them to a degree that would have endangered their safety. It is to be regretted, that a full report of this Speech was never preserved. See Annual Register for 1778, p. 110.

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to take place of a war of conquest, which was now found to be impracticable. He said, that this mode of war had already been tried upon a large scale, and that the success which had hitherto attended it would afford the best evidence how far it might be proper to extend it to all our troops, and to all our operations. That if it did not promise to be very decisive as a plan merely military, it could be attended with no collateral advantages, whether considered with respect to our reputation, as a civilized people, or to our policy, in regard to the means of reconciling the minds of the colonies to his Majesty’s government. He then stated what the nature of a war, in which Indians were the actors against a civilized people, was; and observed, that the fault of employing them did not consist in their being of one colour or another; in their using one kind of weapon or another; but in their way of making war; which was so horrible, that it not only shocked the manners of all civilized nations, but far exceeded the ferocity of any other barbarians that have been recorded either by ancient or modern history. He observed, that the Indians in North America had but two principal objects in their wars; the one was the indulgence of their native cruelty, by the destruction, or, if possible, the extermination of their enemies; the other, which always depended on the former, was the glory of acquiring the greatest number of human scalps, which were hung up and Fo with the greatest care in their nuts, as perpetual trophies of victory, conquest, and personal prowess. As they had neither pecuniary emoluments, nor those honorary titles or distinctions, which are so flattering in civilized nations, to bestow, the rewards of danger and warfare consisted in human scalps, in human flesh, and the gratifications arising from torturing, mangling, roasting alive by slow fires, and frequently even devouring their captives. Such were the rewards of Indian warriors, and such the horrors of an Indian war. He then procceded to shew, that the employment of the savages in the wars between the French and the English, did not in any degree come up to the measure in question, nor did it stand on the same principles. When those nations first made settlements in North America, the Indian tribes were, comparatively, numerous and powerful states; the new settlers

were accordingly under an inevitable necessity, not o, of cultivating their friendship, and forming alliances with them, but of admitting them as parties in their contests and wars with each other; the affairs of both nations were so inextricably entangled with those of the people who had sold or given them lands, and admitted them to a share of their country, that they could not be separated; their contracts on both sides created a mutual interest; and while the savages retained any degree of their original power, they could not be indifferent to the disputes that arose among their new neighbours. But the case was now totally altered. The English colonists were the only Europeans in North America; and the savages were so entirely reduced in number and ower, that there was no occasion for olding any political connection with them as nations. They were now only formidable from their cruelty; and to employ them was merely to be cruel ourselves in their persons: and thus, without even the lure of any essential service, to become chargeable with all the odious and impotent barbarities, which they would inevitably commit, whenever they were called into action. Mr. Burke then proceeded to examine the arguments or apologies that had been used by ministers, in defence or alleviation of the measure. These he arranged under three heads, the first and principal of which was contained in the assertion, “That if his Majesty had not employed them, the rebels would.” To this he answered, that no proof whatever had been given of the Americans having attempted an offensive alliance with any one tribe of savage Indians. Whereas the imperfect papers already before the House demonstrated, that the King’s ministers had negociated and obtained such alliances from one end of the continent of America to the other. That the Americans had actually made a treaty on the footing of neutrality with the famous Five Nations, which the ministers had bribed them to violate, and to act offensively against the colonies. That no attempt had been made in a single instance on the part of the King's ministers to procure a neutrality; and, that if the fact had been (what he denied it to be) that the Americans had actually employed those savages, yet the difference of employing them against armed and trained soldiers, embodied and encamped, and employing them agains?

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the unarmed and defenceless men, women, mains of that people now lived in a state and children, of a country, widely dis- of servitude to the Carolinians. persed in their habitations, was manifest; He then stated the monstrous expence, and left those who attempted so inhuman as well as the inefficacy, of that kind of and unequal a retaliation without a possi- | ally; and the unfortunate consequences bility of excuse.

that had attended their employment. The other heads of defence were, | That one Indian soldier cost as much as “ That great care had been taken to pre- five of the best regular or irregular Eurovent that indiscriminate murder of men, pean troops. That the expence of these women, and children, which was cus- | Indians had not been less than 150,0001. tomary with the savages ;” and “ that and yet there never had been more than they were always accompanied by disci- seven or eight hundred of them in the field, plined troops to prevent their irregula- and that only for a very short time. So rities.” On these he observed, that if the that it appeared as if our ministers thought, fact had been true, the service of the that inhumanity and murder could not be savages would have been a jest; their em- purchased at too dear a rate. He shewed ployment could have answered no purpose; that this ally was not less faithless than intheir only effective use consisted in that efficacious and cruel. That on the least cruelty which was to be restrained; but appearance of ill success, they not only he shewed, that it was so utterly impossi- abandoned their friends, but frequently ble for any care or humanity to prevent or turned their arms upon them. And he even restrain their enormities, that the attributed the fatal catastrophe at Saratoga very attempt was ridiculous: in proof of to the cruelties exercised by these barba. which, both the present and former wars rians, which obliged all mankind, without afforded numerous instances; and it par- / regard to party, or to political principles, ticularly appeared, both in general Bur- and in despite of military indisposition, to goyne's and colonel St. Leger's expedi. become soldiers, and to unite as one man tions, that, although no pains were neg. in the common defence. Thus was the lected to check their barbarity, they in- spectacle exhibited of a resistless army discriminately murdered men, women, and springing up in the woods and deserts. children, friends and foes, without distinc. He also passed some severe strictures tion; and that even the slaughter fell on the endeavours in two of the southern mostly upon those who were best affected colonies to excite an insurrection of the to the King's government, and who, upon negro-slaves against their masters. He that account, had been lately disarmed by insisted that the proclamation for that pur. the Provincials. The murder of Miss | pose was directly contrary to the common M•Rea, on the morning of her intended and statute law of this country, as well as marriage with an officer of the King's to the general law of nations. He stated, troops, and the massacre in cold blood of in strong colours, the nature of an insurthe prisoners who had been taken in the rection of negroes; the horrible conse. engagement with general Harkemer, only quences that might ensue from constitutneeded to be mentioned to excite horror, ing 100,000 fierce barbarian slaves, to be and at the same time to shew the imprac. both the judges and executioners of their ticability of restraining the barbarities of masters; and appealed to all those who the savages.

were acquainted either with the West With respect to the latter of the fore- India islands or the southern colonies, as going positions, “ That the savages had to the murders, rapes, and horrid enormialways been accompanied with regular ties of every kind, which had ever been troops,” Mr. Burke gave it a direct con- acknowledged to be the principal objects tradiction. He shewed, that whole nations in the contemplation of all negroes who of savages had been bribed to take up the had meditated an insurrection. The vi. hatchet, without a single regular officer or gour and care of the white inhabitants in soldier amongst them. This had been Virginia and Maryland had providentially particularly the case of the Cherokees, kept down the insurrection of the negroes. who were bribed and betrayed into war, But if they had succeeded, he asked what under the promise of being assisted by a means were proposed for governing those large regular force; they had accordingly negroes, when they had reduced the proinvaded Carolina in their usual manner, vince to their obedience, and made thembut for want of the promised support, selves masters of the houses, goods, wives, were nearly exterminated ; and the re- and daughters of their murdered lords?

Another war must be made with them, and another massacre ensue; adding confusion to confusion, and destruction to destruction. The result was, that our national honour had been deeply wounded, and our character as a people debased in the estimation of foreigners, by those shameful, savage, and servile alliances, and their barbarous consequences. That instead of any military effect of value, they had only led to defeat, ruin, and disgrace; serving to embitter the minds of all men, and to unite and arm all the colonies against us. That the ineffective attempt upon the negroes was the grand cause of that greater aversion and resentment, which appeared in the southern, than in many of the central and northern colonies; of their being the first to abjure the King; and of the declaration made by Virginia, that if the rest should submit, they would notwithstanding hold out singly to the last extremity: for what security could they re. ceive, that, if they admitted an English governor, he would not raise their negroes on them, whenever he thought it good to construe any occasional disturbances into a rebellion, and to adopt martial law as a system of government: He concluded, that the only remedy for the alienation of affections, and the distrust and terror of our government, which had been brought on by these inhuman measures, was for parliament to . seriously and strictly into them; and, by the most marked and public disapprobation, to convince the world that they had no share in practices which were not more disgraceful to a great and civilized nation, than they were contrary to all true policy, and repugnant to all the feelings of humanity. For that it was not in human nature for any people to place a confidence in those to whom they attributed such unparalleled sufferings and miseries; and the colonies would never be brought to believe, that those who were capable of carrying on a war in so cruel and dishonourable a manner, could be depended on for a sound, equitable, and cordial eace; much less that they could be safely entrusted with power and dominion. Mr. Serj. Adair seconded the motion. Mr. De Grey spoke in defence of employing the savages; said, that Indian treaties had been made during the last war; that they had been continued, from time to time, down to the present hour; that it was well known that superintendants

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were employed by government to create and preserve alliances among the Indian nations; and finally, that the House every session approved of, and recognized those alliances and treaties, by voting specific sums of money, to be paid into the hands of the superintendant, to be laid out in presents, and distributed among the leading warriors and chiefs. Sir Alexander Leith was severe on lord George Germain, who, he said, was the sole author and contriver of those barbarous measures. He was astonished that the noble lord, considering several circumstances which he abstained from mentioning, could presume to intrude himself into an office he was unqualified to fill; and he was still much more astonished that he dare continue in it, when his own experience must have long since convinced him, that he was totally unworthy of it. Every single measure he had recommended himself, or adopted from others, exhibited so many proofs of his incapacity; and when his conduct was brought to the test, he affirmed, that the noble lord would be found in every respect, unequal to the high office, which he supposed he had usurped. Here he was called to order by the Chair. Lord George Germain said, he could never sit silent, and hear such unbecoming personalities made to his face. He begged leave to assure the hon. gentleman, if they were sincere, they must have arisen from prejudice, and were ill founded. He was an old member of that House; and he defied any gentleman to say, that he had ever used personalities himself. He always carefully abstained from them; and whatever his provocations to retort might be on the present occasion, he should give one more proof of the same mode of conducting himself. He wished sincerely that his conduct might be fully and immediately enquired into. He was certain it would turn out to his honour; but until that event took place, he thought it was both unparliamentary and uncandid to make personal attacks upon him, which he should always, in future, look upon as meant to prejudice that House against him. His lordship then spoke shortly to the question, and justified the conduct of administration. He said the matter lay within a very narrow compass; the Indians would not have remained idle spectators; the very arguments used by the hon. mover were so many proofs that they would not; besides, the rebels, by their emissaries, had made frequent applications to the Indians to side with them; the Virginians particularly ; and, some Indians were employed at Boston, in the rebel army. Now taking the disposition of the Indians with the applications which had been made to them by the colonies, it amounted to a clear, undisputed proposition, that either they would have served against us, or that we must have employed them. This being the alternative, he contended for the necessity of employing them, and was ready to submit his conduct on that ground, to the judgment of the House. Mr. T. Townshend contended, that the House was not in possession of any parliamentary proof, to induce it to suppose, that overtures had been made by the Congress to the Indian powers; on the contrary, from the best information, the fact was the direct reverse. There had been a meeting between persons on the part of the colonies and the Indian chiefs, and there it was well known, that all the deputies desired, was a neutrality on the #. of the Indians. One of the first pubic acts of the Congress, besides, was, a letter, addressed to the several Indian nations, in which they stated the utmost of their desires to be no more than an acquiescence in this neutrality; but granting the fact as stated by the noble lord in its fullest extent to be true, it would not meet the main objection stated by the hon. mover, which was, not that those barbarities would be exercised on men with arms in their hands, or made captives in battle; but on innocent, peaceable people in their habitations: unless, therefore, the noble lord would make one supposition more, which was, that the slaves in the southern colonies, as well as the savages, would make a forced march over to Great Britain, and execute here what the two proclamations now read invited them to perpetrate in America; the pretence of employing them to murder old men, women, and children, instead of making war against their armed enemies, even in their usual way, was entirely at an end. He then gave an account of Lacorne, and his method of acting, when he had the command of Indians.

Governor Pownall:

Sir: no man can have a more determined abhorrence of the employing the Indian savages in our wars, than I have ; because no man, in this House at least,

has had occasion to know so much of this matter, as it fell to my lot to have during the last war. My horror of their cruel services does not arise from the paintings of imagination, but from what I have known of the fact: there is not so hellish, so unfair an engine of war, as the service of the Indian savage, when mixed in with the wars of civilized nations. What, then, must we think of it 2 What must be our feelings, when they are employed in a war between parts of the same nation, branches of the same family, in the war between us and our brethren. The mutual feelings of humanity, and a spirit of honour, have amidst civilized nations, defined even rights, and given laws to a state of war; have laid a restraint on havoc, and given limits to destruction and bloodshed. There are, even in rigours of war, the jura belli, which civilized nations have adopted, and do almost universally observe. The war of the savage, instead of being a contest of right by power regulated and restrained by any feelings of honour or humanity, is an unrestrained effusion of the passions of revenge and blood-thirstiness, est certare odiis, is a war of universal ravage and devastation to utter destruction; instead of giving laws to war, it gives the name and effect of right to every cruel exertion of passion, revenge, and barbarity, jusque datum sceleri. If, therefore, the #. have ever, in this war, been employed in any case where an absolute, unavoidable and direct necessity did not call for it, nothing can ever justif it.—I am sure my opinion never shall. { consider, therefore, the case of this Americanwar; its operations are combined with the nature of the country, more than half a wilderness, and with the interests and nature of the Indians who inhabit this wilderness. No war can be carried on in that country in which the Indians will not mix. That belligerent power which hath not them with it, will have them against it. The idea of a neutrality is a delusive notion, and impracticable in fact; and never was taken up by any party, but as a succedaneum, to be tried after such party had miscarried in the attempt, to engage the Indians to act offensively with them. These were the politics of the French in the last war; after we had got the Indians from them, and engaged to us, their whole efforts were employed to engage the Indians to a neutrality. The same spirit of politics, on the same ground, led the Congress, in this war, (after they

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