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Howe's being driven out of Boston; and pedition itself is of such a dye that it de-
now, Sir, only to shew the versatility of serves a separate consideration. It should
some people, and, as an instance how ready be reserved to itself.
men who caused all these calamities, are to Sir, after having passed resolations con-
adapt themseves to the unfortunate con cerning the various facts and events during
sequences of their own conduct, as soon as the period I have been describing, the
the news came over of general Howe's House will naturally form an opinion con-
evacuating Boston, they congratulated cerning their future conduct, and I shall
each other on the event, they were glad of then ask whether any man can imagine it
it, it was a lucky step, though, by the bye, possible to go on with an offensive war?
there is still the greatest reason to believe, If it should appear, that all means are in.
it was matter of necessity, not of choice. adequate to the conquering them, and that
Fifty-five thousand men had been voted; the having gone on so far has shaken the
sir William Howe's army was completely credit of the nation, more than it was
reinforced. Every body knows what shaken at the end of a six year's war with
passed. He makes himself master of France, then it will be for the House to
Long-Island; he takes New York, &c. consider what is to be done in the present
Here were two or three battles gained; moment. It seems to me that the infe.
here was a sort of victory, though not an rence will be, that force alone is not suffi.
absolute extinction of the enemy's army. cient, and that we must call in negotiation
What followed? All promises of taking to its aid. But, Sir, this is a subsequent
the moment of victory for proposing terms consideration. Another question likewise
of accommodation were forgot. But this with regard to the alliances of this country.
was the moment in which the Americans If it shall appear that we are strong in al.
declared themselves independent states. liances, then it is very true we may venture
Did this look like a termination of the con- somewhat further than we might otherwise
test? If it did, there was a circumstance venture. This is a very proper thing to',
that passed in the latter end of the year be considered.
1776, from which you might, at last, have Sir, I sat out with acquainting the House,
learnt that it was impossible to reduce them that I meant to day to begin with a very
by mere force. I mean the affair at Trenton. small part of the business; it is only to
The sudden manner in which this army draw an inference from the papers on the
was gathered together, the success that at table, that in the present situation of things
tended it from the nature of the country, it will be very imprudent to send any more
plainly shewed it was impossible entirely troops out of the kingdom. The peace
to reduce them. But, to shew the deaf- establishment of troops in Great Britain
ness of administration to every proof of the has been 17,000. Now, Sir, I do not
true disposition of America, and to shew mean by what I say to approve of that esta-
likewise the uniform conduct of gentlemen blishment. I think it too high ; but such
on this side of the House, a motion was it has been of late years ; 17,000 for Great
made in the latter end of the year 1776 for Britain; 12,000 for Ireland; 3,500 for
a revision of the laws by which the Ame- Gibraltar, and 2,300 for Minorca. These
ricans might think themselves aggrieved. make altogether 34,800. This is the esta-
To revise the Acts that had been passed blishment in time of profound peace. But
was surely as gentle a word as could be various reasons conspire to make us appre-
made use of, and indeed, was the expres hensive of war; the conduct of France,
sion made use of by the commissioners the state of public credit, his Majesty's
themselves in a proclamation they issued Speech at the opening of the session is
in America. I need not say, Sir, this mo- alone sufficient to prove there is the greatest
tion was, for various reasons, but without reason to prepare for a foreign war. Now,
one solid argument, rejected.

Sir, if 34,000 men are necessary to be Sir, as to the events of the last campaign, kept up in time of peace, I think no gen. I shall touch them very slightly.' It is tleman can be of opinion, that we should sufficient to say, that no decisive stroke have less than that number at the present has been given, We have got possession moment. Mr. Fox then shewed from the of three towns instead of one, but of no papers on the table, that the number of more extent of country than is just within the troops now in Great Britain, including a small circuit round those towns. With the officers, non-effective, &c. did not exregard to general Burgoyne's expedition, ceed 15,000; in Ireland 8,000, in GibI will only say,--that it failed. The ex. raltar and Minorca 5,000; so that thero

was now an actual deficiency of the peace- | Dunning, J. Montagu, bon. J. establishment 6,000. I think, Sir, it ap

Elliot, Edward Montagu, Frederick pears from this it would be madness to Feilde, Paul Morant, Edward part with any more of our army. As to

Finch, Sav.

Mortimer, H. W. the new levies, I do not now consider Fleming, sir Michael Mostyn, sir R. whether the levying them without the ap- Fonnerau, Thomas

Fletcher, Henry Newenhamn, G. L.'

Oliver, Richard probation of parliament, be legal and con

Fox, hon. C.

Owen, W. Mostyn stitutional ; that will be to be considered Frankland, Thomas Parker, J. another day; but I speak on a supposition Gibbon, Edward Peirse, Henry of their being levied. And if they are, I Glynn, Joho

Pelham, C. A. should hope it is not intended, that the Goddard, Ambrose Pennant, Richard safety of this country is to be left to their Gordon, lord G. Pennyman, sir James defence.

Gowland, Ralph Penruddock, Charles

Plumer, William On the whole, Sir, it appears to me that Granby, marquis of if gentlemen are not blind, they will see Grenville, George

Gregory, Robert Polbill, Nathanie!

Popbam, Alexander that the war is impracticable, and that no Grenville, James Powys, Thomas good will come from force only; that the Grey, hon. Booth Rashleigh, Philip lives that have been lost, and the treasures Griffin, sir J. Griffin Ridley, sir M. W. that have been wasted, have been wasted Guise, sir William Robinson, sir G. to no purpose; that it is high time we Halsey, Thoiuas Rous, T. B. should look to our own situation, and not Halliday, James Rusbout, sir J. leave ourselves defenceless upon an idea Hamilton, hon. W.G. Salt, Samuel of strengthening the army in America, Hartley, David

Savile, sir G. when, after all, it will be less strong than Hartley, H. W.

Sawbridge, John

Scawen, James it was last year, which produced nothing Hay, T.

Scott, Robert decisive, or in the least degree tending to Hayley, G.

Sedley, sir C. complete conquest,

Holte, sir Charles Skip with, T. G. Mr. Fox concluded with moving, “ That Honeywood, Philip

Staudert, Frederick an humble Address be presented to his Honey wood, Film. Stanhope, Walt. Spen.

Siauuton, T. Majesty, that he will be graciously pleased Hopkins, Richard

Sution, G. to give orders, that no more of the Old Howard, hon. T. Corps be sent out of the kingdom.”

Hungerford, J. P. Tempest, J. To the great surprise of every body Hussey, William

Hunt, G.

Thompson, B.

Tboroton, J. without doors, who had seen so full a Johnstone, G. Tollemache, bon. W. House drawn down to attend the result of Johnstone, J.

• Townshend, rt, hon. T. an enquiry of so much expectation, no de- Irnham, lord

Trevanpion, J. bate ensued, nor was the smallest reply Keppel, bon. Aug. Tufuell, C. F. made to Mr. Fox's speech. In this sin. Keppel, hon. William Turner, Charles gular situation the question was called for, Knightley, Lucy Tyrconnel, earl of and the Committee divided : For Mr, Fox's

Lawrence, William Van Neck, sir G, W. motion 165; Against it 259.

Lemon, sir William Vaughan, Ev. L.

Lennox, lord G. Verney, earl
List of the Minority.

Letbieullier, Benj. Vernon, lion. G. V.
Lister, T.

Upper Ossory, earl of
Adair, James
Cavendish, lord F.

Lowther, sir James Wake, sir William Allen, Benjamin Cavendish, lord J. Lowther, James Walpole, bon. T, Anderson, Eve. Cavendish, lord R. Ludlow, ear)

Walpole, hon. R.
Aopesley, Fr.
Cavendish, lord G. H. Luther, J.

Walsingham, R. B. Anson, George Clarke, Jerv.

Luttrell, hon. T. Watson, hon. L. M. Acourt, general Clerke, sir P. Jennings Luttrell, hon. James Weddell, William Aubrey, J. Clayton, sir R.

Lygon, William Wenman, viscount Baker, William Coke, T. W.

Martin, James

Whitmore, T. Barré, rt, hon. Isaac Coke, Daniel P. Maugur, Joshua Wilkes, John Barrow, Charles Cooper, J.

Mawbey, sir Joseplı

Wilkioson, Pinckney Bailey, Nathaniel Conolly, Thomas Meredith, sir W. Wilkinson, J. Benyon, Richard

Conway, rt. hon. H.S. Middleton, sir W. Wilmot, J. E. Bertie, hon. Per. Cruger, Henry Middleton, viscount Wray, sir c. Bootle, Richard Wilb. Corbet, J.

Miller, sir T.

Yonge, sir G. Bouverie, hon. W. H. Crewe, J.

Milles, Richard

Bull, Frederic
Darker, J.
Molineux, Crisp.

Byng, G.
Bunbury, sir Charles Davers, sir C.
Burke, Edmund Dawkins, Henry

Debate in the Commons on Clothing the Cavendish, lord G. Drake, William, jun. New Lepies raised without Consent of Par.. liament.] Feb. 4. In the Committee of army existed in the kingdom. He said, Supply, lord Barrington 'moved, That the species of army was liable to great ex286,6321. 14s. 6d. be granted for the ceptions in a constitutional light; it was clothing the newly raised forces.

too national: 9 or 10,000 men, all of any Sir Philip Jennings Clerke said, if he one country, was very exceptionable. He was as well convinced of the necessity and wished to avoid national reflections, but good policy of continuing the American he thought too great a partiality was shewn war, as the most zealous friend to adminis- to the people of Scotland. The noble tration appeared to be, he would not sit lord (North) had said, will you punish the there and consent to measures to carry it children of the fathers unto the third and on, which he thought were totally subver fourth generation ? By no means. But he sive of the fundamental principles of the could not think that those who on former constitution. He had been ever taught occasions, had shewn no good-will to this to think, that freedom and a security of country, were of all others the most fit to property were blessings which an English. be trusted. He was ever averse to puman enjoyed in a much greater degree nishments, but could distinguish between than the inhabitants of any other country. very uncommon benefits which were now He, therefore, could never persuade him- conferred on them, and punishments, when self to think, there was a power in the he considered the appointment in a milicrown to raise an army in this country, to tary view, it appeared to him an imposition any extent it pleased, without the previous on the public, and an injury to the army. assent of parliament. That power which Rank has been given to officers in a most could raise a thousand, might raise an unprecedented 'manner; gentlemen have hundred thousand; and then that liberty been appointed to command regiments which we so much boast of, which was ob with the rank of colonel, who never were tained by the blood of our ancestors, which in the service before, to the great discouwe wish to transmit to our posterity, be- ragement of all the officers in the army. comes at once a name only, a phantom, If it was necessary to give such advanand an empty shadow; for whenever a tages, there were many young people of bad king ascended the throne, it would be noble families in this country, who had in his

power to take it away from us. He with great zeal and spirit engaged in the thanked God we had a good King, we service, who had suffered hardships and were in no danger at present; but it was inconveniences, and risked their lives in a our duty to guard against evils, which foreign country. He thought they had at might arise hereafter. He referred to the least as good a title to such preference, as preamble of the Mutiny Act, which says, those who had obtained it; and he could that the King shall not raise an army in not help saying, he wished they had been time of peace.

He left the House to de- so considered, as those who were most intecide, whether this was war or not. He rested in the state, were most likely to thought himself, a revolt of the colonies take proper care of it. If the army wanted 3,000 miles distant, could hardly be called an augmentation, the most economical as a war here. He knew, he should be told, well as useful method to do it, was to that no danger could be incurred to the augment your old corps. The companies stocks from such a power being in the which now consist of only 55, ought to be hands of the crown; for though the King increased to 100, as was done in the last might raise an army, the parliament must war; by which means you added only pay them; without which assistance they one subaltern officer, and consequently could not have any effect. That being made little addition to the half-pay list. It admitted, he thought a very dangerous was not necsesary for any man to be an method had now been adopted, by encou- officer to discover that 300 men, added to raging private subscription, to be disposed an established corps, will much sooner be of according to the direction of the crown; made good soldiers, than a number of raw by which means an army might be raised undisciplined men together, all unacquaintand paid, and the parliament deprived of ed with arms. He could not help observing, the controuling power, which was the that there was one gentleman who had a great security of the liberty of the subject. regiment given him, who was taken from In the present case, with the help of those the Swedish service, and never was in our quick subscriptions, a large Scotch army army. . He knew not what his pretensions might have marched to Derby, without were, but he knew such an appointment parliament being acquainted that such an must give great dissatisfaction, and be a great injury to every officer now in the and the rank of general in it; consequently service, who was under the rank of colo- he must have a regiment, or nothing. nel. If ten new regiments were to have Mr. Dunning began with explaining the been-raised, it would bave been justice to common law, as it stood before any mer. have offered them tothe 10 oldest lieutenant. cenary soldiers were raised, and kept up in colonels in the army. He would venture time of peace, unless such as were obliged to say, that they would any of them not to perform certain-services arising from the only have gladly embraced the offer of nature of their tenures, and concluded raising regiments on the terms now given with the Mutiny Act; in the course of to the present gentlemen, but have given which investigation, he proved that there several thousand pounds each for the op- was not the most faint colour of constitu. portunity : for the appointment of the tional or statute law, nor even of usurped officers to a whole regiment now given prerogative, for making levies without the them, is worth a very large sum of money, consent, and during the sitting of parliaif the commissions are sold, and he did not ment. expect many presents would be made. Sir George Yonge was sorry to find, that He could make, he said, many more ob- a greater trust had been put of late years jections, but he had troubled the House in Scotch soldiers and Scotch statesmen too long already; he would only therefore, than in English. before he sat down, enter hisprotest against The Attorney General rested his arguevery part of the appointment.

ments on precedents. He particularly Lord Barrington said, after administra- dwelt on the subscriptions set on foot in tion had heard of the disaster which hap- | 1745; and several others-of a similar napened to the army under general Bur- ture, during the late war. He said, the goyne, they turned their thoughts to the Bill of Rights law spoke for itself, and was devising the most speedy and effectual conditional; and the Mutiny Act was remeans for augmenting our forces, prepa gulating, not restrictive. If it was not, it ratory to the next campaign ; and an offer would be the most dangerous law that ever having been made by several respectable was enacted; for it must be construed so individuals, without any application on the as to tie up the King's hands, let the exipart of ministers, it was thought prudent gencies of the times, or the necessities of to accept of those offers. Manchester, the state be what it may. and some other trading towns took an Mr. Fox contended, that the indubitable early part, as well as some noblemen and consequence of legalizing private donagentlemen from the northern parts of the tions for raising of troops, must certainly kingdom; the highlands in particular dis. justify the maintaining them, on grounds tinguished itself, where his lordship par. equally cogent; for who could draw a ticularly observed, the women are more line, or how was it possible to know whefruitful than the soil. He said, there could ther the money was for the purposes it be no occasion for reminding the House, was pretended to be employed? In such that several regiments, independent. com- a case, it would be in the power of a bad panies, and corps, were raised there the king and a bad parliament to lay out the late war, when two great ministers pre- money thus raised as they might think sided in this country. One in this House, proper, till the mischief was so effectually and one in the other. That great man, completed as to he beyond remedy. lord Hardwicke, then assisted in the coun- Mr. Van entertained the House with a cils of this country, and he highly approved long comparison between Britain and of procuring men from that part of the Rome, America and Carthage, and conkingdom; and if a contrary opinion had cluded with asserting, that whatever opprevailed, he was satisfied, that our armies position might be individually without, could never have been recruited, nor our they were, as a party, rank ideots within successes been so great or decisive, if it doors. He compared some of their leaders were not for the great resources drawn to Hannibal, and predicted their fate to from that country. As to the allusion be similar to that famous general's, who made by the hon. gentleman, of the co- vowed the destruction of Rome, and who lonel who had served in Sweden; he pre- I fell in the impious attempt. sumed he pointed to Mr. M.Kenzie, com- The Solicitor General contended, that monly called lord M*Cleod, (son to the contributions really voluntary, were legal. late lord Cromartie, one of the rebel lords). Mr. Byng was always ready to give He had a regiment in the Swedish service, every merit to the two learned gentlemen, who endeavoured to prove the legality of colonels, but had no regiments ; particuthe measure; but when they forgot their larly, when the person thus distinguished, profession so far as to attempt to explain never bore arms in this kingdom, but away not only the import, but to contra- against the lawful sovereign, and in order dict the letter of an unrepealed act of par. to overturn the constitution. liament, their authority, with him, how- Mr. Henry Dundas told the House, ever respectable it might appear to others, that the officer mentioned to have been was at end. He presumed, after sixteen brought from the Swedish service, was years experience, but more particularly lord M Cleod, who was a son of lord Cromade visible on the present occasion, it martie, who was ordered to be beheaded would be no longer doubted, that the peo- after the last rebellion; that this young ple born on the other side of the Tweed man was also in the rebellion, being only had a preference shewn to them, both in 18 years old ; that he had been pardoned, civil and military preferment, but more but losing his estate, was obliged to live especially in the latter. He observed abroad ever since. great zeal had been imputed to those who The Committee divided : Ayes 223 ; had subscribed; but he begged leave to Noes 130. differ as to the conclusion. He doubted not the fact, that the subscriptions were Feb. 5. The Report of the Committee carried on with great zeal, but what kind was moved to be brought up. of zeal? A zeal for obtaining favours of Mr. Popham opposed the bringing it up, various kinds. One gentleman or person contending, that the manner in which the of distinction, subscribed in expectation of troops had been raised, was unconstitufuture notice from the governing powers. tional and illegal. Another had a commission in view for a Mr. Turner declared, that his life and son, a friend, or a dependent. Then, as fortune should ever be devoted to his Mafor the whole tribe of contractors, &c. it jesty's person and government, because he might be easily guessed what their zeal thought it impossible that a prince of the proceeded from. If one man subscribes House of Hanover should ever become 2001., and by that obtains a company, he hostile to liberty, or violate the laws and will pocket 600l. If a merchant or rich constitution in any shape whatever. manufacturer subscribes a like sum, and Mr. Rous thought the subscriptions illegets in, return a contract, or any other gal, but that the rebellion ought to be douceur to ten times the amount, then quelled by any means whatever ; he should surely it will not be said that he makes an therefore vote for the supply of the levies, unprofitable bargain. This is the public though raised against law. spirit of the subscription; the real object Mr. Wallace said, that though it was of which is, a job. He said, if a person against law for the King to levy money, was to converse with the gentlemen out yet it was perfectly consonant to law for out doors, who constitute the present ma- his Majesty to get money levied for him. jority, they breathe nothing but sentiments Lord F. Campbell maintained, that the of peace and conciliation; but as soon as principles of his family were always those ever they are embodied within these walls, of whiggism; and he thought subscriptions they call out for war, coercion, and un- for quelling the American rebellion perconditional submission. He concluded fectly consistent with Whiggish principles. with observing, that all was public spirit Mr. Moysey declared himself satisfied in debate ; but he did not hear that a sin- of the legality of such subscriptions, being, gle placeman in these times of exigency as they were, purely voluntary. He said, and public calamity, had given up the that lord Coke's opinion was clearly in emoluments of his place or office, in order their favour, as appears by his reading to lighten the burdens of his country. upon the statute of Richard 3, where he

Mr. T. Townshend was severe on the makes the distinction between voluntary partiality shewn to the Scotch in every and involuntary contributions, in his chapthing, and condemned the singular impro- ter of Benevolences, which had not been priety of calling upon an officer in a fo- taken notice of. That the commission reign service, and contrary to every rule authorized by the statute of Charles 2, so of the profession, putting him over the much relied on by the other side, was heads of so deserving a body of men as compulsory in its nature, as appears by the lieutenant-colonels of the army, and the proceedings under such commissions those gentlemen who bore the rank of in the time of Charles 1, and in particular


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