who preside over it, have derived, from | to be tied down to any engagement. If the accidents and losses I formerly men- treaty is spoken of, his lordship wishes for tioned in the House, the great advantage it, and the end proposed by it; if war is of being led into a thorough investigation spoken of, his lordship promises success; of the nature of the metal of which these in short, whether it be conquest, uncondiguns are composed; so that their cast iron tional submission, treaty, conciliation, taxis now rendered of a very superior temper ation, sovereignty, or treating with rebels and quality; and their improved process with arms in their hands, he is for every has, by recent experiments at Woolwich, one of them, and for none of them; but and elsewhere, so far answered their most that which immediately answers the temsanguine hopes, that they come up, I am porary purposes of debate; that of voting told, to the Spanish proof, which is the in a majority; of keeping his place by highest proof we know of in the universe keeping his friends together; of urging the for iron ordnance. Sir, whenever the first violent, softening his antagonists, and lord of the Admiralty shall, in his public meeting exactly the ideas of the modecharacter, become (like the Scotch can- rate. He differed, he said, from the hon. non) diametrically the reverse of what he gentleman who made the motion, in his has hitherto been, no man here will, with censure of the Declaratory Act. It was more sincere pleasure, rise up to give him most certainly a wise and necessary meaample commendation, than I shall do. I sure, at the time. It would still have observe, it is already settled by the minis- continued so, if it had not been followed ters, to adjourn till after the Christmas by an act for levying certain duties in holidays, so late as to the 20th of January. America, for the purpose of raising a reWe have, I find, no hopes of effecting any venue, contrary to the good faith of this good purpose by continuing to sit, and this country, and the professed understanding adjournment may therefore be highly pro- of both countries. An opportunity, howper, as it will at least hinder parliament ever, presented itself, within a few years from doing any more mischief for these six after, for rectifying that blunder; but the weeks. Let me remark to the gentlemen noble lord in the blue ribbon, that being on the other side of the floor, that it will the first year of his administration, strongly become them not to spend the approach-resisted the proposition of a total repeal; ing season in gambols or carousing, but rather to reflect upon the direful consequences of their unconstitutional, oppressive, and sanguinary councils; and, reviewing their own gazettes, to weep over those gallant spirits, who, under generals Howe and Burgoyne, have been sacrificed to unparalleled folly and thirst of power. I can tell those obstinate ministers, that a whole Atlantic of tears would scarce suffice to expunge the stain of their crimes from the annal of the English history.

and was, in a great measure, responsible for all the consequences which have since happened. He was ready to acknowledge, that the situation of both countries had undergone a very great alteration, since the passing of the Declaratory Law; and that probably, in case of a future treaty, it must be abandoned; but he could never agree with the hon. gentleman, that the law was tyrannous and unjust; that it was the grand source of our present troubles; or that, in the present state of things, it Mr. Fox. The noble lord in the blue would be prudent to begin with a repeal of ribbon has discovered the prettiest method it. imaginable to recover America. It is, I must confess, a new way: but what of that? it is a forcible, and for that reason, a 'successful way: How does the noble lord mean to treat? Why, we have been beaten pretty tolerably. One general and his army are lost, the other is surrounded and in danger; when the other shall be lost, then will be the time to treat. We have been unsuccessful almost in every thing; but it seems, by the noble lord's new logic, we have not yet been unsuccessful enough. He was very severe on his lordship's want of candour, and his eternally shifting his ground, so as never to permit himself

It might be necessary to repeal it; but the whole subject ought to be considered in one view; and a proper attention paid to what we were likely to gain, as well as what might be proper to relinquish.

Mr. Cruger. I am glad to find, from the arguments which have fallen from both sides of the House, that the expectation and confidence of repressing the resistance of North America by force of arms, are gradually decreasing; and, from the language of the minister himself, we may discover a disposition for peace. Adversity may have taught administration wisdom. It is unfortunate for the nation, however, that their knowledge has been purchased

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land! And, Sir, what are the laurels which you have acquired in this destructive warfare? You have subdued not their armies, but the small remains of their affection to this country, their reverence for its laws, and confidence in its generosity.

But admitting, Sir, that your arms had been attended with success; that the Americans had been disposed, from their defeats and sufferings, to sue for peace;

at so dear a rate. Had the same temper and spirit which now prevail, directed their counsels in an earlier stage of the controversy, it might have been long ago amicably settled: but the voice of peace was lost in the delusive projects of instantly reducing the colonists to unconditional submission. Their supplications were fruitless; an attention to their complaints was deemed derogatory to your dignity. When I had the satisfaction of present-what door of refuge has been opened to ing a Petition from the assembly of New York (a mode of application pointed out and encouraged by ministry) unfortunately for this nation, though it contained the most explicit acknowledgment of the supremacy, the favourable moment for treaty was neglected: for by using with contempt the only legislative body who had ventured to address this House for relief in a "constitutional manner," you drove your friends to despair, and exposed them to the derision of the neighbouring colonies. But your armies were then entire, and deemed irresistible. The predictions of gentlemen on this side were despised, and the pride of conquest preferred to the humanity of reconciliation. The event, however, has given you melancholy proofs of your error. You have had the Americans united against you as one determined body, convinced that their liberties were not to be obtained by petition, but by the sword. Your military operations against them have had no other effect than to weaken yourselves, to teach them how to war, and to render their union more perfect.

I am sorry that we have this day an opportunity of deriving arguments against coercive measures from the dishonour lately incurred by the British arms, and the ineffectual sufferings and waste of the blood and lives of men, whose courage and capacity merited a better cause. Would it not have been wiser to have recovered their former affection, by removing their apprehensions of danger to their dearest rights? A repeal of the Act against which they complain, would have tended to this purpose; but, alas! a different path has been pursued, every step of which has been marked with blood and disgrace, and carried us further from every hope of success. What greater folly could there be than to expect to force a people into a friendly union with you, to entrust their rights once more into your hands, and submit their property and lives to your government, by desolating their country, and spreading famine and death over their

them? What explicit terms have been proposed to them? What security that they should not be treated (innocent and guilty) as a conquered people, and subject to whatever yoke their haughty victors might have been pleased to impose on them? Sir, it was madness to expect that men who had taken up arms in defence of their liberty, should easily be induced to throw them down, and submit to their conquerors. Was the treatment of those who did put themselves under your protection, any encouragement to others to imitate their example? I cannot find that the citizens of New York, for their singular loyalty, have yet been rewarded with the advantages of civil government, or a restoration of their commerce. No: nothing less than implicit obedience has been expected! they have had no favour held out to them, but the oath of allegiance; no provision for the security of their rights; no solid basis for a settlement of the dispute. From such conduct, Sir, what evidence could the other colonies deduce of your lenity, or disposition favourable to their liberties? By embracing your cause, they expose themselves to the vengeance of the Congress, to have their properties sequestered, and their persons imprisoned. And, in return for their allegiance, what have they obtained? They may, indeed, have the great happiness to rely on the generosity of their conquerors, and be content with such a constitution, and such portions of liberty as you may hereafter be pleased to deal unto them.

Good God! Sir, can it be expected that men with arms in their hands, irritated by repeated provocations, and flushed with success, will surrender to you on such conditions? It is the grossest folly to imagine it. Change, then, your system: reverse those absurd and pernicious measures; for, if the confidence and affection which we have lost are yet to be regained, it can only be by giving them the most undeniable proofs that you wish not to oppress them; that you are willing to re

Debate in the Commons on the Motion Sir George Savile said, that for his part, of Adjournment.] Lord Beauchamp then he should be ashamed to face his constimoved, "That this House will, at its ris-tuents, if he had given a vote for neglecting, adjourn till the 20th of January." His reasons for the adjournment were principally these: the supplies were voted, the usual business before the Christmas recess

gone through, and however some people might enhance the misfortune of the Canada expedition, he saw no business of moment that called for the attention of parliament; and his great reason for wishing to have it adjourned was this, that as a general enquiry was appointed, time ought to be given for the men in administration to prepare.

ing his and their interests at so momentous a period, when the very existence perhaps of the empire was at stake.

Mr. Coventry contended there was no instance of such a proceeding, in the records of parliament. He did not wish to embarrass administration, but most certainly, if some very cogent reason was not advanced in support of the motion, he should give it his hearty negative.

Mr. Henry Dundas supported the motion on the ground, that it would be highly improper, to enter at this particular time, into any enquiry relative to the conduct of the King's servants; because, such an inquiry would involve in it, that of our officers and commanders abroad, in their absence, and while their duty required their attendance in another place; while in fact, they were engaged in the very service for which they were to be censured. If such an enquiry should at any future time appear necessary, it should be a previous condition, that the officers whose conduct was involved in that of mi

form parliament, but if circumstances called for it, to answer for, and justify themselves. Nothing like this could take place, within the short period assigned to the

Earl Nugent supported the motion, and asked what should we do here, when probably it would not be one day in ten, that members sufficient to constitute a House, would attend; and it would not be insisted, he presumed, that matters on which the dearest interests, nay the very existence of the nation depended, were proper to be discussed in a thin House: nay, the fact was, that parliament had nothing to deliberate upon, till accounts of importance should be first received from America. Mr. T. Townshend said that an adjourn-nisters, should be present, not only to inment of six weeks, in so critical a situation of affairs, would be a very improper and hazardous measure, and which ministers ought to venture on with caution. He thought the adjournment ought to be as short as possible, even from day to day. Mr. Burke moved, that the motion be It was, indeed, matter of astonishment, amended by leaving out the 20th of Jathat any one who had the honour of his nuary, and inserting instead thereof the Majesty's confidence, dared advise such a words "this day se'nnight." He spoke measure. He hoped the necessity of strongly against the language held this day keeping the members in town would ap- by the friends of the minister; his lordship pear so urgent at the present crisis, that was determined, he perceived, to keep his even the minister's most steady friends place at all events; whether treaty or war would desert him on the present occasion: should be the determination of that House, he owned, that this motion, daring and ab- the noble lord was prepared. But let the surd as it appeared, in such a season of na- noble lord be ever so pliant, how was he tional calamity, was nevertheless not un-sure that America would treat with him, or accompanied with a circumstance which ought to give pleasure to every real friend of his country; it portended the falling of the curtain, the exit of those weak, obstinate, and improvident ministers, who have

recess.

any of his colleagues in office? He suspected, though America were ever so willing to treat, and the noble lord and his friends ever so willing to sacrifice what they called the right and supreme power