1 any other probable total is nearer to the presumptive proofs, I shall be open to conviction, and ready to alter the terms of the second motion, according to the result of the debate. If the account be overrated, or under-rated, I can rectify accordingly; but let us at least know, what is the probable estimate that we must reckon upon. Call it near 30 millions, or more than 30, or between 30 and 40; I believe this last phrase will be nearer than any other. I have always submitted my thoughts fairly and openly to the House, and to the comments of the noble lord at the head of the Treasury: the estimates which I formerly laid before you, have never been found fallacious or extravagant. Surely, Sir, I ask nothing unreasonable; I only ask that you will think before you who have so constantly misled and de- act. I have prepared estimates of the ex- I am aware of an objection which the pences, which probably may be incurred, noble lord may make, not to the matter, if you proceed to another campaign; but to the time. It may be said, that this which if the House is so disposed, I will discussion more properly belongs to the lay before them. According to my comcommittee upon the state of the nation, putation, the total of the American war, as which is appointed to sit after the holisupposed to continue only for one more days. To which I can only reply, that I campaign, in 1778, will amount to between am solicitous to throw out to the House, 30 and 40 millions. The documents upon the state of the concomitant expences of which I form this opinion, are now lying the war, in the earliest part of the session, upon your table. I have collected out hand in hand with your vote for the land from the papers of the House, the ex- tax, that the landed gentlemen may be pences of the navy, army, and ordnance, apprized what they are preparing for themduring the late war, and in the present war, selves. If they do not interpose, to stop both upon the ordinary estimates, and the the farther progress of this destructive extraordinary and contingent expences. I war, 4s. in the pound will be entailed upon have endeavoured to select such circum- them for ever: and I will venture to prostances as are similar to the present; and phesy to them, that 4s. in the pound will to adapt others, with such suitable allow- not be all that they will have to pay. In ances, as may assist us in the inquiry. the consideration of an infinite multitude My first motion is conceived in very general of matters, which will come before the comterms, viz. That it is the opinion of this mittee upon the state of the nation, the House, that the farther prosecution of the landed interest may not have that preAmerican war must be attended with an eminent consideration that I wish. I look enormous expence. The term enormous' upon the landed gentlemen as the watchis the favourite word of the noble lord at men and guardians of the state, therefore I the head of the Treasury; therefore, Sir, would have a word with them in the foreI think I may depend upon him, for second-most place, and before the storm rages, ing this preliminary motion of mine. My second motion, is the specific point upon which the debate will turn, viz. Whether the total expence of the American war may probably, by the end of the next campaign, amount to between 30 and 40 millions. My reason for putting the preliminary motion as I have done, is this; that in the debate upon the first motion, the specific matter of the second motion will be discussed; and if upon that discussion it should appear to the House, that which is coming on apace, to confound land, funds, manufactures, and commerce in one common ruin. The ruin is universal, and without bounds; your naval power will be exhausted, and the very sources of it destroyed; your armies are baffled and disgraced; one entire army is swallowed up, and perhaps another may soon be in a condition not much better. I pretend not to any sagacity above other persons, but I have endeavoured to get the best information of the キ [554 temper and powers of America, from the home, we should meditate nothing against wisest and most informed persons, and from you. A little time so given for cooling on those who are at all times friends to recon- both sides, might have excellent effects. ciliation and peace, and who have been But you will goad and provoke us; you very sincerely well-affected towards this despise us too much; and you are insensicountry. I told you, three years ago, that ble of the Italian adage, That there is no America would turn out an army of little enemy. I am persuaded the body 50,000 men, which you then laughed at, of the British people are our friends; but and would not believe. I have told you they are changeable, and by your lying that they were united, and that you could gazettes may soon be made our enemies. not touch a hair of the head of America: Our respect for them will proportionably you have found it true. The men that diminish; and I see clearly we are on you send thither are devoted to certain the high-road towards perpetual enmity, destruction. Ibunt, et redibunt nunquam. hatred, and detestation. A separation will The whole conduct of the ministers of this of course be inevitable. It is a million of country has been folly and impotent rage. pities so fair a plan as we have been enIf they cannot conquer, they will destroy.gaged in, for increasing strength and emEvery salutary warning has been despised; pire with public felicity, should be destroyprudent plans and counsels, as well as per-ed by the mangling hands of blundering nicious ones, have been laid before you. It cannot be doubted but that Dr. Franklin was well acquainted with the true state and temper of his own country, and of his own countrymen. He has given full warning to this country, both in public and in private, of the ruinous consequences of the measures which have been adopted. The prudence of his advice, and prophetic warnings to this country, stand upon record; he gave them publicly at your bar in the year 1766; he gave a most material helping hand towards the restoration of peace in that happy year; if his advice had been followed in the subsequent measures, we should not now be dipped in blood. I will with permission, read to the House a letter which I received from him in 1775, at a time when we were all fellow-subjects together, and before that fatal Prohibitory Act, by which you cast your colonies out from your protection. I did read it to you in my place, within a few days after I received it; but you were then confident of having America under your feet, and despised every proposition recommending peace and lenient measures. The letter is as follows: "Philadelphia, October 3, 1775. "I wish as earnestly as you can do for peace, and should rejoice exceedingly to co-operate with you for that end; but every ship from Great Britain brings some intelligence of new measures that tend more to exasperate; and it seems to me, that until you have found, by dear experience, the reducing us by force impracticable, you will think of nothing fair or reasonable. We have, as yet, only resolved on defensive measures. If you would recall your forces, and stay at ministers. It will not be destroyed. God will protect and prosper it. You will only exclude yourselves from any share in it. We hear more troops and ships are coming out. We know you may do us a great deal of mischief; but we are determined to bear it; patiently as long as we can; but if you flatter yourselves with beating us into submission, you know neither the people nor the country. The Congress is still sitting, and will wait the result of their last petition." And what was the result of this last petition? His Majesty was advised by his ministers, fatally for the honour, interest, and justice of this country, to say, that no answer should be given. What then was there left for the Americans, but to take up arms in their own defence, when their petitions were rejected unheard, and the whole force of this country, and all the mercenary forces of Europe, were sent to invade them? I have often said in this House, and I must repeat it, that I shall never call these men rebels, nor their cause rebellion, but a justifiable resistance. You cannot look into your own Bill of Rights, but you will see a formal recognition of the right of resistance in the subject. When the liberties and privileges of a British subject are invaded, and his petitions rejected, every such subject has a right to the use of arms in his own defence. So says the Act which is declaratory of the rights of the British constitution, and the corner-stone of all the liberties which we enjoy in this country. As, in my opinion, upon these constitutional principles, the resistance in the beginning of these troubles was justifiable on the part of the Americans, who upon were then our fellow-subjects; I must now, the same principles, consider our perseverance as the continuation of an unjust war on our part against them. And what have you got by this war? You have gained nothing, but you have lost thirteen provinces. It is to those ministers, who have systematically invaded their rights, and rejected all their petitions, that you are indebted for this loss; they have summed up all their pernicious measures in this last fatal act, of advising the King to reject unheard the united petition of all the American colonies. That man has much to answer for to this country, who advised that fatal measure; and I hope the time will come, when this House will address the King to know who did advise it. It was done just upon the eve of the accession to office, of the noble lord who is now at the head of the American department. I do not charge it upon him, because I have no specific grounds for such a charge; but thus much I am free to say, that the spirit of such a measure is more conformable to the system which has been followed since his accession to office, than to the system which prevailed before, and which was set aside to make way for him. Of another fact, however, we are well assured, and of the author and adviser. Since the noble lord at the head of the American department came into office, his Majesty has been advised not to lay the least scrap of information before the House. Before that time we had some information from the correspondence of the plantation-office laid before us. That information was partial indeed, and garbled; but now the minister holds up his head in a haughtier stile; he does not condescend to take the least notice of parliament, or to give us the least scrap of information. We know that he is responsible, and that by secreting all information, he takes a great risk of responsibility upon himself: but what is the consideration of a private person to the great interests of the whole state at large? If he shall ever be found to have secreted information from parliament, which might have guided the counsels of this House to other measures, the responsibility of a private man can be no adequate recompence to his country, for having led them blindfold to ruin. What, then, is there left for us to do in this disastrous state of things? Indeed, Sir, 1 can hardly see one ray of hope. You would not hearken to advice in time. You I would not offer any conditional terms of submission to colonies. You your gave them no alternative, but independence, or unconditional submission. They are now in possession of independence, and you cannot wrest it from them. Sir, you know my sentiments upon this matter of independence; I have laid them before the House upon former occasions. I confess, that I do not see the horrors attending the legislative independence of your colonies, that many persons do. If I could flatter myself, that the House would consent patiently to hear such a proposition debated, I think their terrors would vanish; and after all, you cannot help yourselves. There is no wisdom in declaring a thing inadmissible, that certainly must and will come to pass. If the House would lend a favourable ear to such a proposition, I should conceive a ray of hope, that things might still end well. I have in my hand a proposition, which I read to the House last year, drawn up in the shape of a proposed address to the King. Perhaps a cooler reflection, and the course of events which have lately happened, and the present state of your affairs, may induce the House to lend a tolerating ear. I will, with their permission (as they seem not unwilling to hearken at least) repeat such parts of that proposed address, as contain the arguments for the legislative independence of America. If I were permitted, I would recommend to the House to lay sentiments before the King to the following effect. That all good government is established for the safety and content of the people, as expressed by the general voice and common consent of the members of any community; and that whatever superintending power or controul a parent state may be intitled to, in the infancy of any colony, as for the common good of any such colony in its infancy, yet that the ultimate end of all colonization is, and ought to be, to establish kindred and derivative communities into perfect societies, in the fullness of population, settlement, prosperity and power. These principles are not only founded in the nature of mankind, but are peculiarly applicable to our own colonists, who carried out with them, into their foreign settlements, the seeds of the British constitution, which we flatter ourselves to be the happiest and most free in the world. These colonies, under the auspicious and friendly eye of the parent state, have at length out-grown the imbecilities of their infant state, and approach to the maturity of settlement as the concomitant condition on the other and population, and all the arts of life; and side, a compact of trade to be observed thereby are become capable of that glorious by the Americans, similar to that which inheritance of perfect freedom, which their subsisted between the two countries before parent state has in former times rescued the rupture. Upon the admission of these out of the hands of tyrants, with a view to combined propositions, I would propose to assert it for the common good and use of proceed upon them as fundamentals, in the mankind, and particularly to transmit it negociation of a perpetual fœderal allientire to their own descendants. As no ance in all its distributive parts. country can arrive at its full perfection, Sir, I should once more ask your pardon while it is confined in the powers of a free for having given you and the House so legislation respecting the concerns of its much trouble. I am very sensible of their own internal policy; and as the transition goodness and indulgence. The result of of colonies from the controul of a distant pa- every argument that I have ever offered rent state, to the absolute possession, in full to the House upon American subjects has right, of all their legislative powers, must been, by some cast or other, to seek the inevitably (at a certain period of connec- practicable means of restoring peace. It tion between the parent state and its colo- is, and ever will be the sole object of all nies,) disturb, or at least for a time suspend, my anxiety and labours in the public cause. the harmony of affection and mutual cor- I will now read to the House the several respondence of interests; and as the course motions which I have to offer, as they stand of the present disputes between Great in order. 1. "That it is the opinion of Britain and her colonies, has led to that this House, that the farther prosecution of dangerous point of contention, which being the American war must be attended with originally inherent in the relation of parent an enormous expence. 2. That the exstate and colony, now shews itself so se- pences of another campaign in the year rious in its aspect, as perhaps to threaten, 1778, added to the expences already inif not amicably adjusted, the ruin of one curred in the American war, may probably or both countries; your Commons there- amount to a sum not less than between 30 fore think it wise and prudent, to follow the and 40 millions sterling, which must create apparently natural and unavoidable course an alarming increase of the principal and of things; and to bestow upon the colonies interest of the national debt; and must rean entire freedom of their legislative powers quire many additional heavy and burdenwithin themselves; hoping thereby to lay a some taxes, land-taxes, as well as other foundation, for a perpetual and indissoluble taxes, upon the British subjects to defray. bond of affection and alliance, in every re- 3. That the farther prosecution of the spect as beneficial to both countries, as the American war must be destructive of the connection which has hitherto subsisted be- navigation, commerce, riches and resources tween them, in the mutual relation of parent of this country, as well as of the lives of state and colony; and with this additional his Majesty's subjects; and that it will hope of permanence, that, according to all leave us in an exhausted state, with our human prudence, such connections, in which land and sea forces at the distance of 3,000 there is no latent principle of future dis-miles, open to the insults or attack of any cord, may be trusted and relied upon, for secret or insidious enemy to this country. the cordial restoration of peace, and for all 4. That it is unbecoming the wisdom and the blessings of reconciliation between this prudence of parliament, to proceed any country, and the offspring of its own liber-farther in the support of this fruitless, exty, formed in the perfect resemblance of pensive and destructive war; more espeits own constitution, and transplanted into cially without any specific terms of accomthe new world of America. Your faithful modation declared." Commons therefore humbly beseech your Majesty, to order an immediate suspension of hostilities in America, for the sake of preventing any farther effusion of blood; and to concur with your parliament upon the ground-work of the foregoing principles and considerations, in laying a foundation for reconcilement and perpetual peace between this country and America. To this proposition, Sir, I would annex, Lord North objected to the motions, because they were out of time, and improper. He never heard such motions made in a House; they were proper for a committee. As to the first, he said, no one could object to it. He himself confessed, that it must be attended with enormous expence, but that it was impossible for the House, in his opinion, to decide on the next, before the day of general discussion, when they had every fact before them, and could be able to determine with propriety. Mr. Burke rose, and here a sort of byebattle commenced between him and lord Lisburne, on a passage in the last Gazette, where general Vaughan says, he went to Esopus, "because it was a nursery for every villain in the country, and when he arrived there, they fired from the windows at his men, which brought him to the necessity of reducing the place to ashes." Mr. Burke said, this passage was obscure, and that he saw no sufficient reason for burning the town. Lord Lisburne, in private, conferred with him upon it; when he told the noble lord, he saw no good reason that general Vaughan had for going to Esopus at all. The contest continued until Sir George Savile said, he wished to bring back the attention of the House to the question, and assured the Treasurybench, he would also pay them in good time a very proper attention. After which, he insinuated something of impeachments, adding, that though the people of England were sometimes apt to be mild, they were at other times as apt to be in great heat. He agreed with his hon. friend, whose calculations and labours he highly complimented, but he was not for treating with America as an independent state. we But Mr. Burke said, he thought it ought to be the end of every plan of peace, to get the colonies as much subordinate as we can keep them with their consent. at the same time, he disapproved of thus laying down lines and measures, in matters which must be determined as future events would permit us to act. Mr. Fox said, as so much had been said about offering terms, and nothing as to the nature of those terms, he thought this would be a proper opportunity, as there would be no other before the House adjourned, to give his opinion what the terms ought to be; that he thought we ought to give America perfect security on the subject of taxation and her charters; that this would be the proper preliminary of a treaty, for that however the people whose spirits were warmest in America might look upon independence, yet there were others who looked back to their old connections with this country, and that this measure would at least divide America. I would treat with them, said he, on the very topic whether they should be independent or not; but my wish is, that America may remain dependent upon this country. I am no friend to the independence of America; nevertheless, if no better terms can be had, I would treat with them as allies. They might be good and useful allies, nor do I fear the consequence of their independence. Sir W. Gordon recommended coercive measures; and hoped no treaty whatever would be commenced, until America had laid aside her claim of independence. Mr. Hartley's motions were all nega. tived without a division. Debate in the Lords on the Bill for suspending the Habeas Corpus Act.] Dec. 8. On the order of the day for the second reading of the Bill for suspending the Habeas Corpus Act, Governor Johnstone said, he would take occasion from the draught of the Address, which Mr. Hartley opened in his speech to the House, to give to the House his opinion of the ground on which any peace with the colonies should be made. He compared the rights and constitution of which the colonies were by law in possession, to a copyhold right, held from the original possessor, who had the freehold, but a copyhold of defined and unimpeachable rights, subject, however, to the condition of the tenure. By so much as this sort of rights (however it became so) was inferior to a freehold, by so much more were bound to guard and maintain these rights of theirs under our protection. If we invaded them, we thereby gave them a right to enquire, by what original right we assumed, that the tenure and their rights and possession were of this inferior nature. We gave them a right to resist and to rebel.ject were nearly interested. From the He could not, therefore, adopt the ideas of Mr. Hartley, at least in the form in which they were contained in the draught of the Address, as it put the colonies on the ground of independence. He always thought the letting the colonies loose, to be a dangerous measure. The Duke of Richmond expressed his concern that the discussion of a subject of this importance should have happened in so thin a House. He said it was a business of the highest concern to the nation; a business in which the liberties of the sub vague indeterminate mode of expression used in the Act, its force extended to all orders, and to all kinds, guilty and innocent. A paltry justice might, only because he thought he had grounds of suspicion, deprive a subject of his dearest rights, imprison him, load him with irons, and all with |