some of the powers of Europe, he still retained an expectation, that they might be compelled to return to their duty. The hon. gentleman who spoke last but one had represented him as delighting in blood: he begged leave to assure him, he was entirely mistaken; he always abhorred the effusion of blood, could it have been possibly avoided. He was equally mistaken relative to his imputed ideas about unconditional submission. No man was ever more ready to give way, even to the prejudices of America than he was, but he could never learn, how it was possible to treat with subjects in arms, till they acknowledged the relation, which could be the only foundation of treaty; namely, that they were subjects. This was his decided opinion before he came into office; he had been uniform in his language. Debate in the Commons on the Army Estimates, and on the Loss of General Burgoyne's Army at Saratoga.] Dec. 3. The House went into a Committee of Supply, to consider of the Army Estimates. Lord Barrington moved, That 20,000 men be employed in Great Britain for the service of the year 1778, guards, garrisons, and invalids included. Colonel Barré desired to know, before any subsequent supplies should be granted, what was the number of troops serving in America. General Conway observed, that the noble lord said, if the colonies should continue united, the strength, prowess, and resources of this country, however great, were unequal to the task of subduing them. The noble lord does not say, they are not united; yet his lordship, according to his own argument, is for prosecuting the war without the least prospect of success. He believed, if parliament would once adopt pacific measures, matters might be yet amicably settled; we might recover the monopoly of the American trade, which was all we ever had a right to expect; and become once Lord Barrington replied, that the whole more, a happy, united, and powerful peo-army upon paper consisted of 55,095 men, ple. It was probable, if ministers much 14,000 of which were under general Carlelonger persisted in measures of devastation ton, 20,000 under general Howe, and the and carnage, that America would never remaining 21,000, consisting of regulars, treat, or acknowledge any political rela- provincials, &c. were serving at New-York, tion whatever; but that no more proved, Staten-Island, Rhode Island, Nova-Scotia, that they would not now, than every other the West-Indies, Pensacola, &c. prediction of theirs, which afterwards by their conduct came to be fulfilled. On the whole, if some proposition was not shortly made, on our part, he should not be surprised, if the people of America ever after refused to hear of accommodation; because were he similarly circumstanced, he should act precisely in the same manner. He concluded by affirming, that all the evils which had since happened, arose from the Act impowering commissioners to treat; the defectiveness of the instructions under that Act; and the delay and neglect in not sending out the commissioner in time. Mr. Henry Dundas declaimed vehemently against the propriety of the motion; and insisted, that to bring America to reason, we must make her feel our power. Mr. Byng wished to mention a circumstance which occurred to him, on a noble lord's observing, the night before, that general Howe always attacked general Washington with an inferior force. He should be glad to know, whether the 20,000 men, which were now said to have landed with general Howe, were inferior to the number of 15,000 men, which had been stated to be under the command of general Washington. The noble lord yesterday represented the number of our army to be 13,000 men, and general Washington's 15,000. It appeared extremely inconsistent to him that general Howe should attack an army of 15,000 men with only 13,000 men, when the number of his army was actually 20,000. If the account now given by the noble lord was correct, we had no great reason to pride ourselves in our superior bravery; as we must have had a superiority of four to three. Lord George Germain acknowledged it was true he had stated the army under general Howe to be 13,000 men, and general Washington's to be 15,000 men, and did so still; but then he neither included in that number the artillery, officers, or wounded soldiers. He only spoke of 13,000 men with arms on their shoulders; 13,000 effective men engaged in battle, and that conquered 15,000. Colonel Barré expressed the greatest surprize at the reply of the noble lord. He never heard so barefaced, palpable, and mean a quibble in his life. Never did he hear a soldier so express himself; never, he was convinced, did a minister of war obtrude on the House of Commons such an assertion. It is deserving of remembrance, and I promise the noble lord it shall be remembered. What, exclude from the list of the army the officers and artillery, because they do not carry firelocks! Are not the officers concerned in the battle? Are not the artillery? Do they nothing towards conquest? The noble lord may have partial experience on his side, perhaps, to prove such doctrine; but Í promise him, it would be very ungracious to a British audience, and would gain little credit even in a domestic circle. The colonel then called upon the noble lord to declare upon his honour, what was become of general Burgoyne and his brave troops; and whether or not he had not received expresses from Quebec, informing him of his having surrendered himself, with his whole army, prisoners of war? Lord George Germain said, that he was ever ready to give to the House the most early and authentic intelligence of any transaction within his knowledge; and now, though the recital must give him pain, he knew it to be his duty to inform the House, that he had, indeed, received expresses from Quebec, with a piece of very unhappy intelligence, which, however, was not authenticated, and he could not declare it officially: it had been sent from Ticonderoga to Quebec, and had come to Ticonderoga by the reports of deserters. The tidings were, that general Burgoyne and his army were surrounded by a force greatly superior-cut off from fresh supplies of provisions, and unable to pierce through the numbers of the enemy, -so situated, he had been forced to capi tulate, and had surrendered himself and his army prisoners, on condition that they should engage not to serve during the war in America; should have a safe conveyance to the water-side, and have leave from thence to return to their native country. It was a most unfortunate affair; but, he hoped the House would not be over anxious in condemnation, nor decide on the propriety or impropriety of the concerted plan that led to this unhappy event. He hoped they would suspend their judgments both on the conduct of the general and of the minister on this occasion. He hoped the conduct of both would appear free from guilt. For his part, he declared he was ready to submit his conduct in planning the expedition to the judgment of the House. If it appeared impotent, weak, and injurious, let the censure of the House fall upon him. He was ready to abide it; as every minister, who regarded the welfare of his country, ought at all times to have his conduct scrutinized by his country. Colonel Barré rose again, and in a most animated, severe manner, reprehended the noble lord. He declared he was shocked at the cool, easy manner in which he related the fate of the brave Burgoyne. He was more so at the assurance of insinuating that a portion of the blame might lie at the door of the general. Was there, he exclaimed, a man in the House who in his heart could say, that Burgoyne had failed through his own misconduct? That he had shewn the least sign of cowardice, the least symptom of neglect in the expedition he was thrust into? He was certain, there were none would say so. But every man would say, or at least every man would think, that the man who planned the expedition was to blame. The minister alone who concerted the scheme, was obnoxious to reprehension for its failure. It was an inconsistent scheme, an impracticable one, unworthy of a British minister, and rather too absurd for an Indian chief. Remember how frequently, how earnestly, how sincerely, I have warned the minister of the effects of this plan. I foresaw the consequences. I foretold the event. It was said I spoke in prophecy has not my prophecy come to pass? But in what terms can I express my surprise at the bravery, my indignation at the effrontery of the noble lord, in declaring he will abide the censure of this House, and submit his conduct to their eye. Does the noble lord know the extent of his crimi : nality? Does he know the resentments of this House? I believe he knows neither; but how soon he may it is not for me to determine. I would beg leave to call the attention of the committee to the conduct of the Americans. They have been branded in this House with every opprobrious épithet that meanness could invent -termed cowardly and inhuman. Let us mark the proof. They have obliged as brave a general as ever commanded a body of British troops to surrender; such is their cowardice! And instead of throwing chains upon these troops, they have nobly given them their freedom; such is their inhumanity! I only wish, from this single circumstance, to draw this fair conclusion, that instead of a set of lawless, desperate adventurers, we find them, by experience, to be men of the most exalted sentiments; inspired by that genius of liberty which is the noblest emotion of the heart, which it is impossible to conquer, impracticable to dismiss. abettors of unconditional submission, of deserving the slavery you endeavour to yoke them with? Is it to obtain such a humiliating end, that the American now consoles himself for the loss of a father, friend, or brother, who fell in the battle? No, Sir, it was for liberty they fought, for liberty they died; that only can repay the loss, and obtain forgiveness of the murder. The Revolution which brought the present family to the throne, was obtained by men so resolved; our Magna Charta was obtained by men so resolved; and the Americans have not proved themselves less deserving of their liberties, than those Britons. An American Magna Charta is what they wisely contend for; not a Magna Charta to be taxed by strangers, a thousand leagues distant. But the constitution of this country, if in perfection, if uncontroverted by bribery and abuse of power, is acknowledged to be one of the happiest that men can live under; therefore, I do believe, that many wise and honest Americans may, upon sound principles, prefer it to any new invention of their own. I do not say the Congress would, nor yet many of their ambitious leaders, nor yet perhaps the virtuous Washington; but if constitutional freedom was secured to America, every victory might then gain over some worthy friends to our cause, instead of cowardly deserters, deceitful spies, or false and dangerous pilots. Mr. James Luttrell. I think it my duty to take every opportunity of repeating my abhorrence of the mercenary and savage principles of a civil war, which has never yet held out constitutional terms of peace to be its object: and as I do conceive, that whilst unconditional submission is the language of the ministers and parliament, all efforts to conquer America must prove in vain, I cannot agree to vote away the lives and properties of my fellow-subjects, merely for the purpose of aggrandizing a few favourites and flatterers placed near the throne. The Americans, it is evident, will not give up their liberties, they will die first; all the eloquence of a Cicero cannot persuade us, that the unfortunate, misled Burgoyne is victorious; that general Clinton is in desirable safety: or justly give the boasted title of conqueror of America to sir W. Howe, yet the latter is represented with a great and powerful army in the field; he wants neither for money, nor ships, nor troops; he wants but the only one necessary article for consolation in defeat, or permanency and advantage in victory, I mean a just cause; and Great Britain never, never, can build up fame or dignity to itself, upon acts of injustice and oppression. But ministers have hopes of important success. Sir, that language ought at least to imply, some honest, wise Americans may, upon sound principles, be induced to return to their allegiance; but is there a gentleman, that would candidly acquit the But ministers tell us that England is rich, and foreigners may be hired to carry on the war: what Briton would give up his laurels to those paltry hirelings, and save our blood? Sir, if honour called to arms, what minister dare to propose it? Neither are the Germans as cheap as is pretended, for you must now pay their hire, and when the war is at an end, you must likewise pay a large additional sum for all those who do not return home. Sir, I do not think the Germans will return, for I must pay the compliment to these ministers, that I do believe, even they are incapable of making such a constitution for America, that the Germans shall fly from it to better themselves, by returning to their own native, infamous shambles, to be again sold by their tyrannical, petty princes. But our important hope is to be gratified by the possession of Philadelphia. Sir, that town was built for peace and trade, not for war. It extends itself upon a low, flat country, with scarce one advantageous spot of ground to place a single gun on for its defence; therefore, to surround it with great works to secure yourselves in winter quarters, must create an immense expence, besides the lateness of the season making such an undertaking almost impracticable to be carried into execution. It is then a glorious conquest to those who may enrich themselves by that new expence, but a calamity to those who are to be taxed for that new extravagance. Or do we wish to be in possession of the most beautiful town in America only to set fire to it? Are the British legions gone forth merely to warm themselves by the burning towns upon the coast? Can bishops persuade us, their smoke shall rise to an approving God, or on earth celebrate the dignity, the wealth, the honour, the humanity of the British nation? compelled to lay down their arms, and receive laws from their enemies, was a matter so new, that he doubted if such another instance could be found in the annals of our history. The effrontery with which it was told, excited no less astonishment than indignation. Ignorance had stamped every step taken during the course of the expedition; but it was the ignorance of the minister for the American department, and not to be imputed to general Burgoyne, of whose good conduct, bravery, and skill, he did not entertain even the shadow of a doubt. The noble lord said, if there was any blame to be laid." Without blame somewhere, could an entire army be reduced to the painful, the distracting necessity of laying down their arms, and becoming prisoners of war? With the general and his troops, he was persuaded, there was no fault to be found; that it could be traced no where but to the noble lord, whose ignorance was not brought as an extenuation, but as a justification of his crime. The Americans had, he observed, been always represented as cowards; this was far from being true; and he appealed to the conduct of Arnold and Gates towards general Burgoyne, as a striking proof of their bravery. Our army was totally at their mercy. We had employed the savages to butcher them, their wives, their aged parents, and their children; and yet, generous to the last degree, they gave our men leave to depart on their parole, never more to bear arms against North Ame But ministers are very brave to-day, they are ready to seal with their blood the mischief of their counsels; and whilst they are so loudly supported by a majority of parliament, that language sounds well. But I must beg leave to remind them of a story which is related of a certain general and statesman, who drew all his former friends about the court, with the heads of birds and beasts upon their shoulders. He drew his mistress with the head of a swallow, and he wrote this motto underneath, • Je fuis le mauvais temps,' alluding to her having forsaken him in his misfortunes. Let ministers beware, lest the swallow's head and that motto should best suit the most strenuous and forward of their present advocates. For, Sir, had I an hun-rica. Bravery and cowardice could never dred tongues, and the eloquence of much abler men than myself who speak within these walls, I could not sufficiently express all the horrors, all the mischief, all the ruin of this savage war; but this I will say, that whilst such desperate, unfeeling ministers, advise his Majesty, with such an expensive war to carry on, without an object of advantage in return, with such a cause to disgrace the British arms, and spill the best blood of this country, what man in his senses can be satisfied with the times, or can agree to vote for a perseverance in measures, which have already produced such dreadful disgrace and calamity, that Great Britain is shook to its foundation? Mr. Burke thanked the two hon. gentlemen, who had spoken before him, for having afforded him some time to calm the tumult and perturbation in his breast, occasioned by the information given to the House by the noble lord. A whole army inhabit the same bosom; generosity, valour, and humanity are ever inseparable. Poor, indeed, the Americans were, but in that consists their greatest strength. Sixty thousand men had fallen at the feet of their magnanimous, because voluntary poverty. They had not yet lost all regard for the country from whence they sprung: anxious still for our home-defence, they had sent us back our troops; and left their hands free to fight against every enemy of Great Britain, but themselves. He reproached the noble lord for his misconduct and foolish credulity. He said he was astonished at him. In the beginning of last year, the noble lord informed them, that the enemy were cowardly, and our army superior in number. On what did he ground this information? On report, mere idle report, to which the noble lord was always an implicit slave. He said, that the information on which mi nisters confided, should be precise and certain that misinformation was no palliation for their errors; and he did not imagine that the House would admit it as such. He said, the intended measure was a conjunction between Howe and Burgoyne, but that it was to be produced in the strangest manner he had ever heard of. The armies were to meet-yes; Howe was travelling southwards, and Burgoyne in the very same direction! The advocates for administration, he said, had delighted in representing America in an abject situation-as being without salt, without shoes, without a rag on their back, without stockings, &c. If the House had applied to him in the beginning of the war, he could have told them of many more wants than all those together under which the Americans laboured, but he could also have informed them, that men fighting for liberty were not influenced by such particulars; that these only affected the body, but that the souls of the Americans were unreduced. He concluded with a few words on the Solicitor General, whom he called the counsel to the noble lord. Upon this his command. This, however, did not damp the ardour of the British nation, but urged to greater, and more successful ex ertions. Mr. T. Townshend condemned the whole of this expedition; the employing colonel St. Leger in the horrid war and devastation, which, with the aid of the savages, he had orders to commit on the provincials. He gave a striking picture of the desolation which would have happened had that officer succeeded; and vindicated the decrees of Providence in the overruling power it exerted in counteracting such a diabolical system of blood and carnage. He likewise spoke very favourably of general Burgoyne, and imputed his want of success to the ignorance and incapacity of those who directed him from hence. Mr. Fox expressed his happiness at being prevented from speaking immediately after the fatal tidings of our disgrace had been communicated to the House: rage and indignation so swayed his breast at that time, that if he had attempted to speak, his words must have been unintelligible. An army of 10,000 men destroyed through the ignorance, the obstinate, wilThe Solicitor General rose, and de- ful ignorance, and incapacity of the noble scribed his own political character: his lord, called loudly for vengeance; and if opinions, he said, were genuine; they were no one else would take upon himself the his own; he never spoke the sentiments task of moving directly for an enquiry into of any man, but those only which his own the affair, he himself would do it. A galreason suggested; nor did he ever in that lant general sent like a victim to be House plead the cause of any man. He slaughtered, where his own skill and perhad been invariable in his opinion, as well sonal bravery would have earned him lauon one side of the House as on the other; rels, if he had not been under the direction and not seldom differed from both. The of a blunderer, which circumstance alone calamity, he could not deny, was great; was the cause of his disgrace, was too but he could not infer from it that our shocking a sight for humanity to bear uncondition was desperate. We had often moved. The general and the House had received checks; but the spirit of the na- been imposed on and deceived: general tion had always made us rise superior to Burgoyne's orders were to make his way our distresses: an exertion of that spirit to Albany, there to wait the orders of sir would, on the present occasion, infallibly William Howe, and to co-operate with rescue us from danger. Britons ever him; but general Howe knew nothing of shewed magnanimity in distress; and cer- the matter, for he was gone to a different tain victory was the sure consequence of country, and left the unhappy Burgoyne that spirit he wished therefore, that gen- and his troops to make the best terms for tlemen would not be cast down: that be- themselves, in a country that was by nafore now as great misfortunes had hap-ture so defended, that strong holds were to pened to us, from which we reaped sub-be met at almost every mile; and every stantial advantages. As to the fact of a hour's march presented almost insurwhole army surrendering, which had been mountable obstacles to his progress. described as unprecedented, the annals of inveighed most bitterly against lord George this country had furnished a most remark- Germain; looked upon him as solely reable instance of it in the reign of queen sponsible in the first degree; and next Anne, when after the battle of Almanza, expressed his opinion, that all those who general Stanhope was obliged to surrender, had concurred in the measures of the war, with the whole of the British forces under by giving their vote in support of it, were He |