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effectual to compel any one of them to return to that government, to which ministers tell us they are so much attached. It is curious to look back to the operations of these three campaigns. In the first, we were beat at Lexington, very dearly earned a post at Bunker's-hill, could but barely keep possession of Boston, and nearly lost Quebec. In the second, we were obliged to abandon Boston, and got only NewYork, and a small district, in its stead. The moment we attempted to extend our cantonments into the Jerseys, we were driven back with loss, and the attempt from Canada on Ticonderoga proved fruitless. In the third year, after another attempt, equally without success, in the Jerseys, sir William Howe, unable to conduct our great army from New-York to Philadelphia, a distance short of an hundred miles, is obliged to seek another avenue to it. That by the river Delaware, on which it stands, is also found impracticable, and our forces are obliged to put again to sea, at a great risk, at a certain loss from bad climate, and to go round by the Capes of Virginia and Chesapeake bay. However, we are told at last, that it is guessed we have got possession of Philadelphia. That is a second town for the third year of the war. How these two towns can be kept, what communication can be maintained between them, how our armies can subsist, what advantages we are to derive from these possessions, ministers leave us totally in the dark about.

The attempt renewed from Canada, seems, from the accounts we have seen, to foretell greater disasters. Mr. Burgoyne himself tells you, that although he has got fifty team of oxen in the country, he can merely supply his army from day to day; and had on the 15th of August, after three weeks wholly employed in procuring provisions, only got four days in advance. His attempt to surprise a magazine at Bennington, ends in the surprise of the troops he sent there, and in the total loss of the detachment. The corps he sends to support this detachment is also obliged to retreat, with the loss of two pieces of cannon. Mr. St. Leger's attempt on Fort Stanwix proves equally vain, notwithstanding the massacre of 400 English Americans by the savages. Mr. Burgoyne remains near Saratoga for five weeks; and on the 19th of September, after an action which costs him 500 men, and is disputed from noon till dark by the cowardly Americans under Mr. Arnold, [VOL. XIX.]

they retreat only half a league to their camp. Various are the reports of what has happened since. That he should have been totally cut off, is not improbable, from his own account; for the best troops cannot subsist without provisions. But if he has succeeded, and got to New York, what has he effected? He has marched from Canada, through the province of New York, with the loss of several thousand men, and with infinite expence, labour, and fatigue. But he cannot keep possession of the country he has gone through, and he might have arrived at New York two years ago, by sea, from England, without any loss at all.

I must here mention a subject that has surprised me. Mr. Burgoyne finds leisure to write an elaborate letter, but cannot find time to send that list of the unfortunate who have fallen in the different actions, which would relieve the anxiety of the parent, and the friends of the survivors. I will cast no blame on any man without hearing him; but it behoves ministers to enquire, why this satisfaction, which individuals have a right to expect, was not complied with? The events I have mentioned, are the principal operations of the three campaigns.

I do not mean to throw any blame on the conduct of the officers who have commanded. They may have acted with capacity, or otherwise. No man can form any judgment from the little, or rather no information, parliament has had. But supposing they have done their duty, it must now appear clearly to every one, what has been long foretold here, that from the nature of the country, it is not possible for Great Britain to compel America to submission. We have had the experience of three years trial; the two last, with the utmost exertion of our force. How many more is it expected we are to attempt? The King told us in his speech last year, that notwithstanding the successes (which were then boasted of) and the prospect of their bringing the war to a speedy conclusion, we must prepare for another campaign. That other campaign has been tried, and we are now in a worse condition than we were before it began. Our army is greatly diminished by the sword and by sickness. The ransacking of Germany, and our gaols, cannot even recruit the numbers that are lost. Our troops relax in discipline, while theirs acquire military knowledge and service. Our situation becomes precarious, while [2 D]

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their government acquires consistency. We have no successes to boast of this year. What prospect then have we of greater in future? Before a trial had been made, there might be some shadow for expectation: but now that it has thrice failed, I would fain know what can induce us to risk a fourth experiment, with diminished means of success?

But, my lords, I wish you to turn your eyes to another part of this business. I mean the dreadful inhumanity with which this war is carried on; shocking beyond description to every feeling of a Christian, or of a man! When we have heard of the cruelties of other civil wars, we used to rejoice not to have the age, or the country we lived in, the scene of such misery; but to see England, formerly famous for humanity, coolly suffering the worst of barbarities to be exercised on her fellow-subjects, and appearing untouched by the woes she causes, because they are at a distance, and she does not experience any of them herself, must be truly mortifying to any man who is in the smallest degree possessed of national pride. If ever any nation shall deserve to draw down on her the Divine vengeance for her sins, it will be this, if she suffers such horrid war to continue. To me, who think we have been originally in the wrong, it appears doubly unpardonable: but even supposing we were right, it is certainly we who produce the war; and I do not think any consideration of dominion or empire sufficient to warrant the sacrifices we make to it. The best rights may be bought too dear, nor are all means justifiable in attaining them. To arm negro slaves against their masters, to arm savages, who we know will put their prisoners to death in the most cruel tortures, and literally eat them, is not, in my opinion, a fair war against fellow subjects. When we are unfortunately obliged to war with other nations, mutual esteem soon takes place between the troops, and reciprocal humanity prevails, which greatly alleviates the too many miseries of all wars; but in the present contest, every mean artifice has been used to encourage the soldiery to act with asperity, or alacrity, as it is now the fashion to call it.

Instead of taking prudent measures to restrain the military within the closest bounds of discipline, instead of making them sensible, that as they were to act against their countrymen, every possible means of saving their lives, and sparing

their property, should be used, and every degree of compassion shewn to men who only erred from mistaken notions, and were still to be considered as subjects of the same King, they have been encouraged by authority, to look upon their opponents as cowards, traitors, rebels, and every thing that is vile; and their property has been, by law, declared lawful plunder. The natural effects have followed. A military thus let loose, or rather thus set on, have given vent to that barbarity which degrades human nature, and a total want of discipline and good order is said to prevail.

The noble lord who has moved the Address, and who has served in America, has given a very different account. I shall always desire to have authentic information. I do not look on an expression dropped in a speech to be such. Will the noble lord submit to a regular examination, and answer such questions as I can put to him on this matter? Or will ministry allow me to call to the bar those who upon their oath must there give official information? The accounts I have heard are, that want of order universally prevails in the armies in America; that rapine and desolation mark their progress. I am not surprised that Indians and foreigners, who can have no other business in our disputes, but the money they are hired for, should make plunder their only object; nor is it to be wondered at, that men who sell their own lives, and their arms, to take away that of others, in a quarrel they cannot understand, should practise that cruelty and barbarity, which men who have laid aside all principle are liable to: but that Englishmen should also be made engines of such oppression, is of the most dangerous consequences.

My lords, I dread the return of that army to these kingdoms. Formerly the rights of the subject were protected by the laws, and respected by the army; property was secure; and if the life of an Englishman was taken away, the whole country called for vengeance; foul murder was the name it used to bear, and delinquents were certain of meeting with just and ignominious punishment. But now our soldiery have learnt a different lesson; instead of merely supporting the civil authority, and being strictly restrained from every act of violence beyond repelling force by force, they have been suffered to ransack houses, to maim women, to commit every kind of outrage. I saw an account of a soldier

Can we too soon put a stop to such a

having cut off a woman's fingers to get at | lation of those we still call Englishmen and her rings; and this was mentioned only as subjects. This, my lords, among many one among the numberless instances of others, seems a fit subject for enquiry. cruelty. When an army like this returns, it may totally subvert the remains of free-scene of carnage? My lords, I know that dom. If disbanded, they will become a what I am going to say is not fashionable lawless banditti; if kept together, a most language, but a time will come, when every dangerous weapon in the hands of minis- one of us must account to God for his ters, who have shewn so little regard to actions, and how can we justify causing so the rights of freemen. This army is ready many innocent lives to be lost? lives of practised in spilling the blood of English- our fellow-subjects which we are bound to men. It is only calling obnoxious men protect. I scarcely dare call on the right rebels, and your army is ready to treat reverend bench of bishops even for a them as they have done the Americans, or Christian purpose, to assist in stopping the perhaps without that ceremony. effusion of Christian Protestant blood. The very calling on bishops creates a laugh, and they join in it themselves. But it ill becomes them. They should consider, that they sit here for their temporal concerns only, as a secondary object; their first duty is, by example, mildness, and persuasion, to soften our deliberations; and particularly in cases which so immediately affect the object of all religion, as the morality of our actions, and are of such extent as that now under deliberation. It becomes a mere joke, if they are to retire from the House when a poor criminal is at your bar, because they cannot bring themselves to vote in a case of blood, and yet can advise the most sanguinary measures, which involve the lives of thousands. But, my lords, as I said before, I know that arguments drawn from religion or humanity, are of little avail, I shall therefore return to those of policy, which every day speak more and more forcibly.

My lords, I would not be thought to speak ill of a profession I belong to, unless it deserves it. I feel in myself that esprit de corps, which makes me jealous of its honour; but I belong by much stronger ties to the nation, than to the army; and I hope the esprit de corps of an Englishman is still more prevalent in me. While the army was filled with men of property, while their sentiments were, that the first duty of a soldier was to his country, such an army was no way dangerous; but when the notion, that a soldier must have no choice, must not reason, must implicitly obey, was carried from the camp to mat ters of state, and is extended so far, as that officers are looked upon as obliged to fight against their countrymen, even though they think them resisting in a right cause; I say, my lords, I think such an army deserves no respect, and becomes that mere, venal engine of power, which has subverted so many free constitutions. I shall ever revere the noble earl in this House, and some other officers, who rather chose to give up their profession, than serve upon such terms, and contrary to the dictates of their own feelings; and I shall ever look with distrust on those, who advised his Majesty to suffer such conscientious men to retire from the service, and thereby persuaded the King to discountenance those sentiments, which alone can make an army not dangerous to the state. My lords, it is from knowing something of soldiers, that I know the necessity of discipline; and I speak a true military language, and am a real friend to the army, when I recommend enforcing it, by the only effectual means it can be enforced, that is, by encouraging in the officers a respect for the law, and for the liberties of the people. But I am told, that other notions prevail in our American armies: that their marches are traced by the deso

If the conquest of America by force becomes now evidently impossible, let us consider what we are risking in this idle and wicked pursuit. The Speech gives us reason to think, that his Majesty does not trust to the assurances he receives from foreign powers for the preservation of peace.

That their armaments call for armaments on our side. Let us, then, reflect on the condition we are in for that European war, against which we are called upon to prepare. Our chief army, that of our allies, and the greatest part of our frigates, are in America. Will not the first hostilities here oblige us to recall them, and consequently to abandon America? Can those armies come away without loss? Are we sure that they will arrive in time to save this country? Do not they run the risk of being intercepted? In the mean time, let us see what we have to trust to at home. The noble lord at the head of the Admiralty says, we have a good fleet,

pointed, authorises them merely to receive submission, and on that condition to grant pardons; and therefore, if both sides were ever so much inclined to treat, that is, reciprocally to yield up claims, there is no legal method open for such a treaty. Even the disposition of parliament is uncertain. At one time, we do not mean taxation; at another, revenue is not our object: one minister requires only an admission of the supremacy of parliament, another unconditional submission. A secretary of state has told us, that the nego

well manned, superior to what France and Spain can unitedly bring against us. He is responsible for what he has asserted; I wish it may prove so. But are we sure, that in case of a rupture, a superior fleet can secure us from a foreign invasion of this island, across a channel which, from numberless ports, may be traversed in a winter's night? We know that almost as often as foreign forces have seriously attempted to land they have succeeded; and what is our defence here, if such an event should take place? I remember, that at the beginning of the last war, the appreciation opened on Staten Island, broke hensions of an invasion were so great, that up as soon as begun, because the Amealthough almost all our army and navy rican deputies required the admission of was at home, we sent over for 12,000 Ha- their independency as a sine qua non. I noverians and Hessians to protect us. believe the want of power in our commisPerhaps that was needless and excessive sioners to treat, was the true cause of that caution; but we err too much the other business proceeding no farther; and alway, when we trust to the very small force though I am persuaded the noble lord did now in England or Ireland; and however not mean to deceive the House, I have useful the militia may be, I hope we shall reason to believe the action was not as he never rely on them solely for our defence, has stated. Let the noble lord lay before especially officered as they now are, by the House the account which was received men without that qualification which is the of it, that is, the regular method of parvery essence of the constitution. Of all liamentary information. I wish parliament nations upon the earth, I believe England would remedy the real difficulty which at would be the soonest and easiest conquer-present subsists, and authorise commised, if a 'considerable foreign force was to sioners really to treat. land at this moment, while our army is out of the kingdom, for our people are totally unused to arms, the country is without fortresses or strong posts, and our government without confidence. The state of our finance appears to me equally critical. It is a subject of too much detail to enter into on a day not peculiarly appropriated for that purpose; but it is sufficient to say, that we are far, very far exceeding that debt which, at the end of the last war, was thought would crush us, and was then sufficient to compel us to peace. In addition to that debt, and its present vast increase, we have, I fear, lost America, and the resources it furnished.

His Majesty in his speech says, he shall ever be watchful of an opportunity of putting a stop to the effusion of the blood of his subjects; but a noble lord has said, that the proposal for peace must come from parliament, But, my lords, I must contend, that there are no means at present existing, for the King to set on foot any treaty for peace. The grounds of the present contest are the pretended rights of parliament. The King cannot of his own authority enter into any treaty for relinquish ing the most insignificant of them. The Act under which commissioners are ap

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In regard to the Amendment proposed, my only objection to it is, that it seems to convey to the world an idea that we are still in time to recover those invaluable provinces to Great Britain. I much fear it is elapsed. I do not say that it is im possible to reunite America with England in some shape or other, or that it should not be attempted; but I would not have the people of this country raised to an expectation, in which I fear they would be deceived. I will not despair, because I am convinced that an equitable and fair union would be most advantageous to the inhabitants of both countries; but after the exasperated state to which things have been driven between the army and the Americans, I doubt they will never be reconciled to hold any dependance on a nation, from which they have received such unpardonable injuries.

A secretary of state has said, that he was glad to hear the noble earl who moved the Amendment, declare, that he was still for the dependency of America, and that he understood all who supported the noble lord agreed in the same sentiment. know not from what premises such a conclusion is drawn; but lest silence should be deemed acquiescence, I must for once

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declare, that although I much wish to see the Americans return of their own accord to a reasonable degree of dependency on this country, yet I will not say, that any alliance with them as free states ought to be rejected. If we can obtain the benefits of their commerce in return for our protection, it is all that is essential, still, less might be beneficial. I would treat, and get what I could with their consent; but I would sooner give up every claim to America, than continue an unjust and cruel civil war. I am happy to find the noble earl who moved the Amendment, has in some respect deviated from the Bill he proposed three years ago; and that he would now give America security against the existence of a military force there without their consent. Indeed, the sad experience they have had, makes such a security the more called for, as without it all other provisions would be useless.

The Earl of Chatham. I approve in part of what the noble duke says; but I by no means think the enquiry ought to be set on foot entirely for the sake of the right reverend bench. This House, the parliament, the nation at large, ought to have the opportunity to clear themselves of that heavy load of black and blood-imputed guilt, under which they suffer. I pledge myself to set on foot an enquiry into the state of the nation; and, as one of its leading objects, I shall endeavour to discover who were the authors and advisers of letting loose the blood-hounds and hell-hounds, the savages of America, upon our brethren there. It shall be a kind of a lustrum, to cleanse and purify the nation from the odious guilt of those horrid barbarities. You, my lords, the bishops, I trust, will assist in this pious work; and you, my learned lords, who are both the constitutional guardians and interpreters of the laws, [addressing himself to the lord Chancellor and lord Mansfield] will not, I trust, be wanting. I shall implore the aid of the lawn sleeves and ermine on that occasion. I hope to stamp a proper mark both upon the illegality and inhumanity of this bloody measure; we shall then be assisted by the lawn and ermine, by innocence and wisdom: we shall have the pious assistance of that sacred bench; and the no less constitutional and efficacious aid of the sages of the law; of our right reverend and most learned brethren on both sides of the House, in dragging the author or authors of this Satanic measure, into broad day-light, and inflicting on him

or them, the most exemplary punishment. Earl of Suffolk. The noble earl has expressed himself in very vehement terms indeed. I wish he had felt as powerfully for the many unheard-of cruelties exercised by those very people over their own brethren, for no other crime but merely refusing to join in rebellion. I insist on what I first said, that if the Indians had not been employed by us, they would have been employed against us. The Americans sent their emissaries amongst them; and while his lordship expressed so much horror at the cruelty of the savages, I am surprised that he did not bestow one thought on the much more unnatural and bloody conduct of our rebellious subjects, who, to the guilt of committing similar cruelties to those he has enumerated, on Englishmen, and their own countrymen, have added the crimes of treason, perfidy, ingratitude, and rebellion. The alliance of the Indians is to be justified upon two grounds; one, as necessary in fact; the other, as allowable upon principle: for first, the Americans endeavoured to raise them on their side, and would gain them, if we did not; and next, it was allowable, and perfectly justifiable, to use every means that God and nature had put into our hands.

The Earl of Chatham said, the conclusion of the noble earl's speech contained a most preposterous and enormous principle; and added, that such notions standing so near the throne, might pollute the ear of Majesty. He affirmed, that such an alliance was against the constitution he believed against law.

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Viscount Townshend. The case was this: M. Montcalm employed them early in the war, which put us under the necessity of doing the same. I do not pretend to say for what purposes the noble lord who spoke last might have employed them, at Montreal or in the interior country; but they were never employed in the army I commanded, but in assisting the troops in the laborious services necessarily attending an army. They were never under military command, nor arrayed for military purposes.

Earl Gower wondered that they who had the conduct of last war, should forget the means by which it was conducted, and now condemn the measures they had formerly authorized and added, that Indians had been employed on our side in the Jast war in America; that presents had been given, and treaties made with them.

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