the word 'liberty' to be pronounced without a qualification. [Here a cry of Order! order!]

Lord Onslow rose to defend a noble

lord, in the other House (lord North) from what had fallen from the noble lord who spoke last but one. He insisted the charge was untrue; that the affair about the rum-contracts had been grossly misrepresented; that the contract had been made with all possible frugality, and lower than the navy contracts; and as to the blunder about currency and sterling, the noble lord alluded to, had said at first it was sterling, but being contradicted, gave it up for the time. On his return home, he found, however, the first assertion was right.

The question being put, the House divided: Not Contents 76, Proxies 23—99. Contents 26, Proxies 2-28., Majority against the Motion 71.

Mr. Speaker Norton's Speech to the King on presenting the Money Bills.] June 6. The King came to the House of Peers to put an end to the Session.

The Speaker of the House of Commons, on presenting the Money Bills, addressed his Majesty as follows:

"Most Gracious Sovereign;

The Earl of Mansfield, by suddenly rising to speak, put a stop to all further altercation, but said nothing new upon the subject. He maintained his former opinions, respecting the American views of independency; but relied more upon what was urged in Montcalm's Letters, which he insisted were not spurious; upon the preamble of the Charter Act, passed in the reign of king William, to the province of Massachuset's Bay; to the resolutions agreed to in a committee of the House of Commons, in 1732; to the writings of a gentleman who published a tract on the colonies in 1749; to two or three other speculative opinions, thrown out by a few private individuals, in which, sir Josiah Child, in his Treatise on Trade, was included; than to any substantial proof drawn from their former or present conduct. The substance of his lordship's argument, (separated from his quotations) was, that the Americans had assumed to themselves, the dignity and rights of independent states. Would they descend from that proud situation to confer about "Your Majesty's loyal Commons have terms of subordination? Certainly not. passed five Money Bills for the service of They must feel the superiority of your the current year. The first, a Bill for arms, before they will listen to you. The enabling your Majesty to defray the expresent is not a fit season to treat; try tra expences of the American war, and to them, after this 'campaign, and then, if make good the deficiency of the gold coin; you are disposed to treat, take the large the second for raising five millions by anground; but before you consent to such nuities, and for establishing a lottery; anotreaty, be sure that a disposition is begot- ther for laying a tax upon servants; anoten on both sides the water, to relax a ther for laying a tax upon auctions, and little from mutual claims, and consent only upon sales of estates, leases, and goods, to treat by commissioners; in order that by auction; and another for granting to the pulse of the leading people of America your Majesty a certain sum out of the may be felt, and a certain knowledge ac-sinking fund, and for appropriating the quired of what will compose the troubles of that country. This must be done before the subject of treating can properly come before parliament. But for one of the contending parties, and that the highest and greatest, to begin pacific negociations, by totally repealing all the statutes the other party complained of, was what he could not give his assent to; because it was not only in the first instance sacrificing the dignity of parliament and the nation to the unjust claims of the Americans, but it was placing them in a situation, to be treated with contempt, in case the Congress should tell you, they were independent states, and would not treat with any power on earth, who did not first acknowledge their independence.

several sums granted in this session to uses therein provided; to which your faithful Commons, Sir, humbly desire your assent. Your Commons, Sir, in the course of the present session, have applied themselves with all possible diligence to public business; and have done all in their power to procure the ease, happiness and prosperity of your subjects; and have granted the most ample supplies. They have strengthened the hands of government, and have done all in their power to promote a speedy and effectual reconciliation with America. They are fully conscious how necessary it is that the troubles in America should be amicably settled; and that the legislative authority of this country should be established and maintained

over all your Majesty's dominions. Your the 21st of July. It was afterwards furfaithful Commons, firmly relying on your ther prorogued to the 18th of November, Majesty's wisdom and true regard to tce to the 30th of October, and finally to Love on. the interest of all your subjects, have strengthened your hands in the fullest FOURTH SESSION (Jets of Lodymanner; and have every right to expect that your Majesty's subjects in America will return to a proper sense of their duty; and that disorder and rebellion will give place to peace and reconciliation."

"My Lords, and Gentlemen; "The conclusion of the public business, and the consideration of the inconvenience which I fear you must have suffered by so long an attendance, call upon me to put an end to this session of parliament: but I cannot let you go into your several counties without expressing my entire approbation of your conduct, and without thanking you for the unquestionable proofs you have given to me, and to all the world, of the continuance of your attachment to my person and government, of your clear discernment of the true interest of your country, and of your steady perseverance in maintaining the rights of the legislature.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons; "I cannot sufficiently thank you for the zeal and public spirit with which you have granted the large and extraordinary supplies, which I have found myself under the necessity of asking of my faithful Commons for the service of the current year; and I must at the same time acknowledge the particular marks of your affection to me, as well in enabling me to discharge the debts contracted on account of my civil government, as in making so considerable an augmentation to the Civil List revenue during my life.

"My Lords, and Gentlemen, "I trust in the Divine Providence, that, by a well concerted and vigorous exertion of the great force you have put into my hands, the operations of this campaign, by sea and land, will be blest with such success, as may most effectually tend to the suppression of the rebellion in America, and to the re-establishment of that constitutional obedience, which all the subjects of a free state owe to the authority of law."

OF THE

FOURTEENTH PARLIAMENT

OF

GREAT BRITAIN.

The King's Speech on Opening the Session.] November 18, 1777. His Majesty opened the Session with the following Speech to both Houses:

My Lords, and Gentlemen;

"It is a great satisfaction to me, that I can have recourse to the wisdom and support of my parliament, in this conjuncture. when the continuance of the rebellion in North America demands our most serious attention. The powers which you have intrusted me with for the suppression of this revolt, have been faithfully exerted; and I have a just confidence, that the conduct and courage of my officers, and the spirit and intrepidity of my forces, both by sea and land, will, under the blessing of Divine Providence, be attended with important success: but as I am persuaded, that you will see the necessity of preparing for such further operations, as the contingencies of the war, and the obstinacy of the rebels, may render expedient, I am, for that purpose, pursuing the proper measures for keeping my land forces complete to their present establishment; and if I should have occasion to increase them, by contracting any new engagements, I rely on your zeal and public spirit, to enable me to make them good.

"I receive repeated assurances from foreign powers, of their pacific dispositions. My own cannot be doubted: but, at this time, when the armaments in the ports of France and Spain continue, I have thought it advisable to make a considerable augmentation to my naval force, as well to keep my kingdoms in a respectable state of security, as to provide an adequate protection for the extensive commerce of my subjects; and as, on the one hand; I am determined that the peace of Europe shall not be disturbed by me, so, on the other, I will always be a faithful guardian of the honour of the crown of Great Britain.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons; "I have ordered the Estimates for the ensuing year to be laid before you. The The Parliament was then prorogued to various services which I have mentioned to [VOL. XIX. ]

[2 A]

luded colonies, to return to their loyalty and their former constitutional connection and attachment to this country. His lordship then moved the following Address:

"Most Gracious Sovereign,

"We your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lords spiritual and temporal, in parliament assembled, beg leave to return your Majesty our humble thanks for your most gracious Speech from the throne.

tranquillity of Europe, and your determi nation to maintain the honour of the crown, the security of these kingdoms, and the commercial interests of your subjects.

"We thankfully receive your Majesty's declaration of perseverance in the measures now pursuing for the re-establishment of a just and constitutional subordination. through the several parts of your Majesty's dominions: and we beg leave to assure your Majesty that we participate the desire which at the same time animates your royal breast, to see a proper opportunity for putting an end to the effusion of blood, and the various calamities insepa

"Permit us, Sir, to offer our congratulations to your Majesty on the increase of your domestic happiness by the birth of another princess, and the recovery of your royal consort; who is most highly endear-rable from a state of war. ed to this nation, as well by her Majesty's eminent and amiable virtues, as by every new pledge of security to our religious and civil liberties.

"The constant tenor of your Majesty's reign has shewn that your whole attention is employed for the safety and happiness of all your people: and whenever our unhappy fellow-subjects in North America shall duly return to their allegiance, we shall readily concur in every wise and salutary measure which can contribute to restore confidence and order, and to fix the mutual welfare of Great Britain and her colonies on the most solid and permanent foundations."

"We are duly sensible of your Majesty's goodness in recurring to the advice and support of your parliament in the present conjuncture, when the rebellion in North America still continues: and we return your Majesty our unfeigned thanks for having communicated to us the just confidence which your Majesty reposes in the zeal, intrepidity, and exertions of your The Earl of Chesterfield heartily agreed Majesty's officers and forces, both by sea with what had been urged by the noble and land. But at the same time that we lord. He was persuaded that the increase entertain a well-founded hope of the im- of the present royal family was the best portant successes which under the blessing security for the Protestant religion, and of Providence, may be expected, we can- the preservation of the constitutional libernot but applaud your Majesty's unwearied ties of this country. He said, our comvigilance and wisdom in recommending to manders in America, both by sea and us to prepare at all events, for such farther land, were entitled to our highest confioperations as the contingencies of the war dence and thanks, and he made no doubt and the obstinacy of the rebels may render that their military skill, and the native inexpedient; we are therefore gratefully sen- trepidity, and discipline of the troops, sible of your Majesty's consideration in would in the end prevail. He lamented pursuing the measures necessary to keep the occasion of employing them; but, he your land forces complete to the present observed, it became necessary: he should establishment: and we owe it both to your therefore give his hearty concurrence to Majesty and ourselves to say, that we shall the Address. cheerfully concur in enabling your Majesty to make good such new engagements with foreign powers for the augmentation of the auxiliary troops, as the weighty motives your Majesty has stated to us may induce you to contract.

"It is with great satisfaction we learn that your Majesty receives repeated assurances from foreign powers of their pacific dispositions; and with hearts full of gratitude and admiration, we acknowledge your Majesty's humane, steady, and dignified conduct, which is equally well calculated to demonstrate to the world your Majesty's wish to preserve the general

The Earl of Coventry. I have frequently given my opinion of the impolicy of coercing America; and I am sorry that the means employed, as far as they have come to the knowledge of this House, have been so many fresh confirmations that I have not been mistaken. Not a noble lord is more firmly persuaded than myself, that the supreme controul over every dependency of this empire, is ultimately lodged in this legislature. The very essence of government require such a supremacy to be lodged somewhere; and it can hardly be seriously asserted, that the controul necessary to carry on the purposes of civil

government, can be either divided or vest-taining; when that friendly tie was broken, ed elsewhere. This supreme power, I do venture to affirm, pervades every part of the British dominions; but while I contend for this, I am equally convinced of the absurdity of exerting it at first, and the still greater folly of persevering in a conduct which, I fear, will sooner or later prove the destruction of this country. I now recommend what I have frequently before urged to your lordships, to consider this country and America, not what they are, but what they must be. Observe the scale both countries are laid down upon; consider the very different states they are, however slowly, approaching to. Attend to the vast extent of one, and the diminutive figure of Britain; to their domestic situations; to the increase of population in one, and the inevitable decline of it in the other; the luxury, dissipation, and all their concomitant effects in this country, and the frugality, industry, and consequent wise policy of America. These, my lords, were the main grounds on which I presumed to trouble you from time to time on this subject. I foresaw then, as I continue to do, that a period must arrive, when America would render herself independent; that this country would fall, and the seat of empire be removed beyond the Atlantic nay, my lords, so firmly persuaded am I of the event, that I always held it as a certain and natural consequence of the connection between both countries. I therefore always wished, that that day should be postponed, as far as the causes I have mentioned could possibly admit of: for as surely, and as long as the grass continues to grow, or the smoke to ascend, the same causes will produce similar effects. As in the physical world they are uniform, so in the political they are no less

certain.

I should, my lords, be very sorry to be misunderstood, as if I desired to accelerate the independence of America, on account

we should have endeavoured to conciliate; and if that did not succeed, then have proclaimed her independent, and brought over as friends and allies those whom a contrary conduct would of necessity have made our most inveterate and powerful enemies. But, my lords, besides those general reasons, others have since arisen, that give additional weight to my former arguments; the chief of which is, the immediate impracticability and danger of the measures now pursuing; the imminent peril of not only the premature loss of our colonies, but, what I think infinitely more important, the destruction of this country; the precipitating us into that ruin which could not be effected but by the slow progressive operations of those political causes, which I have now alluded to: causes, which must, in all human probability, have taken place, at some very remote period. Let your lordships advert seriously to the true state of this country; the critical situation of affairs in America; the disposition of foreign powers; their ability and inclination to annoy us; the uncertainty of military events, and the numerous difficulties attending the carrying on a war at such a distance; and I much doubt but your lordships will be strongly inclined to look forward to the very alarming consequences a perseverance such as that now recommended from the throne must be productive of. For my part, I see nothing but ruin before us, should they be adopted. Though late, it is better to sit down with our present loss, than continue to multiply those perils which surround us on every side. I think the only measure which promises even a temporary preservation, is to withdraw our fleets and armies, and, by making a virtue of necessity, declare America independent.

The Earl of Chatham :*

* The following Report of the Earl of Chatham's Speech upon this occasion, was taken by Mr. Hugh Boyd. See vol. 18, p. 149. See also Boyd's Works, vol. 1, p. 283.

My lords; I most cheerfully agree of its unimportance to this country; with the first paragraph of the Address nothing ever was farther from my thoughts; I know its value too well: I wished for the farther enjoyment of it, till I perceived that such an expectation was founded in error; that moment arrived, the instant the question relative to the right was agitated, or at least persisted in, so as to lay a foundation for measures of coercion. So long as we could have held America as a dependency, acknowledging spontaneously her subordination and political obedience to this country, America was worth re

The Earl of Chatham said:

I rise, my lords, to declare my sentiments on this most solemn and serious subject. It has imposed a load upon my mind, which, I fear, nothing can remove; but which impels