opposition deserved that public detestation | whom God long preserve. It is therefore, which they were notoriously known to be held in. taking the matter in either light, an idle and ill-founded argument. If he had no specific or rightful claim on the appro the table stated such and such sums, issued under the heads therein enumerated, but make no mention to whom, or on what account. The only fact that can be gathered from them, is, that certain sums were paid, but on what account the House is not informed, no more than if no such transaction had ever happened. But if the accounts were defective, there was an article stated in the produce of the Civil List revenues, which contained the grossest imposition on the very face of it. If one false article in any account could be proved, and it was manifest that the imposition got into it by design, it was a fair The Earl of Shelburne said he should abstain, out of respect to his sovereign,priated duties, he of course lost nothing; and their lordships, from animadverting on if he had, and made a fair, equitable the indecent charges, and the coarseness agreement, he is manifestly bound by it.' of expression that accompanied them, As to the accounts; they were fallacious which fell from the noble lord who spoke and defective. They were defective, belast. They would have been unworthy of cause they came unaccompanied by a notice at any time; the present, for the single voucher: accounts unvouched, reason before assigned, would be particu-were in fact no accounts. Those lying on larly unseasonable. He professed his astonishment at the language held by the friends of the Address. The Civil List revenues were described as so much hereditary property; they were represented as an entailed estate, and deductions drawn from that supposition, shewing, that the crown had an absolute, distinct property in the duties appropriated for the maintenance of the civil government, independent of parliament, than which nothing can be farther from the true state of that matter. The duties alluded to at no time belonged to the crown, they were at the disposition of parliament; king William had 4,000l. per week taken from him, though the na-deduction to say, that the whole account tion were under such singular obligations to him. The grants of the forfeited estates, which formed part of them, were resumed in the next reign, and applied to the exigencies of the state. In the reign of queen Anne, 700l. per week was charged on the Post-office, which was part of the Civil List revenue; and several other parts of it were applied to particular uses, and to the exigencies of the war. It was, therefore, to the last degree preposterous, and fallacious, to suppose the agreement made by his present Majesty was any act of concession in him. linquished nothing; he gained nothing. He accepted the bounty of parliament. The offer came from himself; and it may be presumed, that the noble lord who then enjoyed his confidence, advised him to demand such an income as would be adequate to the maintenance of the crown with dignity and splendor. But even if his Majesty had the option we hear this day so loudly contended for, the agreement was solemn and specific, and ought not to be receded from. It must have been in his Majesty's contemplation at that time to marry. He must have provided accordingly for the necessary expences attending such a state, and the probability of having a numerous issue, which the event has since proved, and He re was false. From the manifest defectiveness of the accounts, for want of vouchers and specification, and the gross imposition of this one article he was about to mention, he was fairly justified in saying, that the whole was one scene of delusion. The point was this, the increase on the hereditary revenue was stated in the account to amount to upwards of 30,000l. a year, which, by the bye, was the greatest part of the excess of the appropriated duties, which, in the whole, according to the mutilated accounts on the table, amounted to no more than 70,000l. per annum. Now, upon inspection, it came out, that this increase was not on what was improperly called the appropriated duties, according even to the language of administration, but upon the parliamentary duties. This excess, or surplus of 30,000l. arose from the increase of the Post-office fund, which was created by the Post-office Act of the 5th of his present Majesty, to which the crown had not the most distant pretence. From this incontrovertible fact, he drew this conclusion, that the accounts were no less defective and informal, than they were fallacious and impositious. The noble lord (Talbot) had referred to a fact, which, if taken in his lordship's own way, proved nothing; and proved at the same time, that it was mere argument, and that nothing serious was intended when | the offer was made. The noble lord asserted, that sir John Barnard offered to farm the Civil List revenue at 900,000l. per annum. What would that prove, supposing he had offered double that sum? But, says the noble lord, it was used in argument to shew the Civil List revenue was improperly managed. Be it so; it was a good argument to shew, that parliament had no right to make good the deficiencies when the duties, instead of falling short of the 800,000l. would have produced another hundred; but it was impossible sir John Barnard, or the parliament, could have meant, that if the duties had produced the 900,000l. the crown would have been entitled to the surplus; because the very demand then made implied a right to a specific sum, and not to the duties. If the duties belonged exclusively to the crown, the crown must have been satisfied with the produce; if they did not, but were pledged to it for a specific sum, the crown had a right to apply to parliament to make good that sum. Finally, taking the offer as a matter of mere argument, it was plain that sir John was out in his computation, for the whole of the duties have hitherto amounted to no more than 870,000l. per annum. His lordship concluded with a general account of the degeneracy of the people at large, the pernicious consequences of faction, of patronage, of borough hunting, of contractors and their contracts, of peculations and corruption at home, of the increased influence of the crown, and a variety of other circumstances of singular importance. He observed, that the influence of the crown was not the only influence which tended to bring this nation to slavery, destruction, and ruin; nor was the all-powerful effects of corruption confined to parliament; the whole mass of the people were corrupted, or corruptible. No man scarcely possessed a political right in the state, who did not wish to part with, or sell it for as much money as it would bring at market. The nation was composed of buyers and sellers. Every man wished to purchase, or dispose; and when he purchased, it was always with an intention to dispose. Which of their lordships who lived in the neighbourhood of a borough, did not wish to bring that borough over to be at his own disposal; and which of them was it, that having it in his possession, did not wish to derive advantages suited to its value, or the peculiar temper and disposition of the possessor? Where was the borough that was not to be bought, or influenced? Or, if such a phoenix could be found, where was the borough or city that could long withstand the temptations or arts employed to rob it of its integrity or influence, or mislead its judgment? What cannot be effected by fraud, corruption, or force, is brought about by various other methods. Contracts and contractors, and the inexhaustible source of influence derived through these fruitful channels, have done wonders; and have succeeded in cases, where bribes, places, and pensions, from insuperable impediments, must have for ever failed. Contracts not only answer purposes in parliament, but from their fertile and happy nature, flow through twice ten thousand channels. The great contractors have their different contracts; those again are divided and subdivided almost ad infinitum; so that scarcely a man, who possesses any property throughout the kingdom, but finds it his interest to prolong a war, by which, though the public may be ruined, he is sure to be rendered opulent. This influence, growing from contracts, has risen to a pitch hitherto unparalleled. It has got among the directors of great companies, and extended itself among their creatures and dependants. While government serves them as chosen friends, it enables them to be the chosen friends of government. To answer the purposes of patronage, it has been extended to some of the nabobs of Leadenhall-street, who not content in the pillage of the East, and of plunging us into a war to enable them to pillage the West, have now contracts heaped upon them, lest they should be tempted to pay any attention to the interests of the Company, contrary to the opinion of the noble lord who has employed the power, riches, and patronage of the Company, in supporting his favourite measures on the opposite side of the globe. Indeed, the present minister had surpassed all his predecessors, in drawing advantages from having it in his power to oblige his friends with contracts; for his predecessors usually waited till applications were made, but his lordship had improved upon this general rule of disposing of them: he was too mindful of his friends to neglect them when so fortunate an opportunity offered to oblige them. He accordingly saves them the trouble of asking; loth to offend their delicacy, he meets them more than half-way. The considered, was a very great sum; it would pay the interest of this year's loan; it would prevent the people, already most cruelly over-burdened with taxes, from being heavier loaded; it would, if appropriated to the purpose of supplying other taxes, under which the poor were suffering, occasion joy and gladness to millions of miserable, though industrious poor; it would answer for the duties now raised on leather, soap, candles, and salt; it would let in the light by day, and be the cause of cheering the lonely, miserable, dusky mansions of the poor labouring part of the community by night; in fine, instead of corrupting the morals of all ranks, of influencing parliament, and of furnishing means to the idle, extravagant, and profligate, of wallowing in vice, riot, luxury, and dissipation, it might be happily employed in rendering the poor, oppressed and industrious part of the community more easy and comfortable in their destined situations, and be the means of relieving them from those intolerable burthens, which no people under heaven but themselves this moment endure. power of influence, though general, is not, however, universal. There are some who have the virtue, perhaps, to withstand it; and even in the mercantile world there are many who plainly perceive its tendency, and dread its evil effects. He was lately in conversation with one of the latter description, on the subject of the place of chamberlain, who told him, that the profits of that officer's place was mostly drawn from the interest accruing on the money, the property of the corporation, lying in his hands. Why is not the money put into the Bank? Such is the credit of the Bank at present, replied the gentleman, that I firmly believe, if such a proposition were made to the city of London, they would not accede to it. His lordship then repeated several instances of the shameful peculation of the public money in almost every department of the state; and particularly one which lately happened respecting the extra revenue, which, with every other of the kind, substantially helped to create the very debt now desired to be paid off; that was the secretary to a commission, which was to hold out nothing but death or slavery to America; yet that very secretary had lately a pension granted on duties raised on part of that country, on the 4 per cent. duties, unjustly raised on some of the sugar islands; a tax merely laid on by virtue of prerogative; a tax which would be hardly defended by a majority of that House who had so often declared, that the British parliament alone had a right to levy duties on the subjects of the British empire, and not the King by his bare proclamation; and a tax, he trusted, for the honour of the legislature, and the preservation of the rights of the people, he should one day see reprobated as utterly illegal and unconstitutional. The question being put on the Amendment, the contents were 20, non-contents 96. The Duke of Grafton repeated his former proposition, that he would, if a committee were appointed, prove to the satisfaction of the House, that 800,000l. would be an ample revenue to support, not only the honour and dignity, but the lustre and splendour of the crown. He intreated administration to consent to the proposition, as the only means of preventing the further increase of that influence, which threatened to overwhelm this once glorious empire in inevitable destruction. He then moved the previous question. years experience had afforded the fullest proof that 800,000l. was not adequate to the support of his Majesty's houshold, and the expences of his civil government; that the minister who was at the head of the finances, was known to be equally able and frugal, and no less honest than either; and that under so good a prince, assisted by such a minister, parliament had every right to be persuaded that the public money was wisely laid out, and faithfully applied. His lordship concluded by making some The Earl of Suffolk opposed the intend? strictures on what fell from the noble lorded effect of the motion. He said, sixteen who seconded the motion, relative to the average difference of the last 16 years expenditure, and the Civil List revenue when augmented to the sum proposed, which difference was represented as a trifle, though according to the noble lord's own confession, it amounted to 30,000l. per annum. This, his lordship said, was very strange language indeed; and that too from a noble lord who was entrusted, with others, with the care of the national finances. He supposed the noble lord looked upon the whole 100,000l. but as a trifle; yet he begged leave to assure his Lordship, that 100,000l. when properly The question being put on the duke of Grafton's question, the contents were 98, non-contents 28. The main question on the Address was then put, and agreed to justify or excuse the excess; and the only by a majority of 90 to 20. Protest against rejecting an Amendment to the Address on the Arrears of the Civil List.] The following Protest was entered: "Dissentient' "For the reasons contained in the Amendment proposed and rejected, viz. in lieu of the above Address, to substitute the following: "To assure his Majesty of the inviolable affection and loyalty of this House, and that it is with the sincerest affliction we find our duty to his Majesty, and to our country, entirely incompatible with our compliance with the request made to us in his Majesty's name. "That at a time when the increase of public debt, attended with a decrease of the British empire, manifestly required the utmost economy in the management of the revenues of the crown, we cannot behold, without astonishment and indignation, a profusion in your Majesty's ministers, which the greatest prosperity of our affairs could scarcely excuse. "That this House, with the most zealous devotion to your Majesty's true interests, begs leave to represent to your Majesty, that we humbly apprehend the clear reve nue of 800,000l. a year, which supported the government and court of your Majesty's grandfather, of happy memory, in great authority and magnificence, is fully sufficient, (if managed by your Majesty's servants with the same integrity and economy), to maintain also the honour and dignity of your Majesty's crown, in that reverence, in which we wish, as much at least as those who have squandered away your revenues, to see it always supported. Parliament has already, in consideration (we suppose) of some expences at the beginning of your Majesty's reign, discharged the debts and incumbrances on the Civil List, to a very great amount. Again to exceed the revenue granted by parliament, without its authority, and to abuse its indulgence in paying one debt, by contracting, in so short a time, another and a greater, is, on the first view, a criminal act. Your Majesty's ministers ought to have laid some matter before this House, tending to shew that your Majesty's government could not be reputably supported on the provision made by parliament; whereas they have only laid before us the heads on which they have exceeded, without any thing which can tend either to reason given to us for paying that debt is, to be applied to our private emolument. It is our duty to attend to the reputation of parliament. And we beg leave to represent to your Majesty, that a further increase of the present overgrown influence of the crown, would be a treacherous gift from parliament, even to the crown itself; as it will enable the ministers to carry on those delusive systems which have been fatally adopted; and which, if pursued, must lead to the utter ruin, as they have already produced the distraction, of this once great empire.(Signed). Abingdon, Abergavenny, Archer, King, Thanet, Torrington, Stamford, Effingham, Portland, Richmond, Rockingham, Fitzwilliam, Devonshire, Manchester." British Museum.] April 28. Sir Grey Cooper moved, that the Petition of the Trustees of the British Museum, together with the General State of Accounts of the British Museum, to Dec. 31, 1776, be referred to the Committee of Supply. Upon which, Mr. Wilkes said: Before the Petition of the Trustees of the British Museum is referred to the committee of supply, I beg the indulgence of the House to submit a few general ideas on that subject, entirely independent of party or politics. The encouragement of all useful knowledge, and the protection of the arts and sciences, appear to me, Sir, just objects of public regard, and highly deserving parliamentary attention, espe cially in this great commercial country. Among the many proofs of the improvement of our national taste, and love of polite literature, the establishment of the British Museum claims the pre-eminence. It rose under the favourable auspices of this House, has been carefully watched over by us, and I hope will still continue to receive our friendly protection and support. Various branches of learning have already derived singular advantages from that rich repository, and I think it may be made yet more extensively useful to this kingdom. This, Sir, can only be done by this House, by parliamentary assistance. I shall at present confine myself to general ideas, and only throw out some hints for a future day's consideration. It seems to me, Sir, highly expedient that the Trustees of the British Museum should not only be enabled adequately to fulfil the objects of their public trust, by making what is already collected as useful as possible to the nation, but still farther to extend the laudable purposes of their institution. Their present funds, we find by their Petition, are incompetent even to the contracted plan now pursued. It is a general complaint, that the British Museum is not sufficiently accessible to the public. This must necessarily happen from the deficiency of their revenues. The Trustees cannot pay a proper number of officers and attendants. This will to-day be in part the consideration of the committee, into which the House will soon resolve itself. But, Sir, I wish their plan much enlarged, especially on two important objects, Books and Paintings. This capital, after so many ages, remains without any considerable public library. Rome has the immense collection of the Vatican, and Paris scarcely yields to the mistress of the world by the greatness of the King's Library. They are both open at stated times, with every proper accommodation, to all strangers. London has no large public library. The best here is the Royal Society's; but even that is inconsiderable, neither is it open to the public, nor are the necessary conveniences afforded strangers for reading or transcribing. The British Museum, Sir, is rich in manuscripts, the Harleian Collection, the Cottonian Library, the Collection of Charles 1, and many others, especially on our own his tory; but it is wretchedly poor in printed books. I wish, Sir, a sum was allowed by parliament for the purchase of the most valuable editions of the best authors, and an act passed to oblige every printer, under a certain penalty, to send a copy bound of every publication he made to the British Museum. Our posterity, by this and other acquisitions, might perhaps possess a more valuable treasure than even the celebrated Alexandrian Collection; for, notwithstanding that selfishness, which marks the present age, we have not quite lost sight of every beneficial prospect for futurity. Considerable donations might likewise, after such a sanction of parliamentary approbation, be expected from private persons, who in England, more than in any country of the world, have enlarged views for the general good and glory of the state. The British Museum, Sir, possesses few valuable paintings, yet we are anxious to have an English school of painters. If we expect to rival the Italian, the Flemish, or even the French school, our artists must have before their eyes the finished works of the greatest masters. Such an opportunity, if I am rightly informed, will soon present itself. I understand that an application is intended to parliament, that one of the first collections in Europe, that at Houghton, made by sir Robert Walpole, of acknowledged superiority to most in Italy, and scarcely inferior even to the duke of Orleans's in the Palais Royal at Paris, may be sold by the family. I hope it will not be dispersed, but purchased by parliament, and added to the British Museum. I wish, Sir, the eye of painting as fully gratified, as the ear of music is in this island, which at last bids fair to become a favourite abode of the polite arts. A noble gallery ought to be built in the spacious garden of the British Museum for the reception of that invaluable treasure. Such an important acquisition as the Houghton collection, would in some degree alleviate the concern, which every man of taste now feels at being deprived of viewing those prodigies of art, the Cartons of the divine Raphael. King William, although a Dutchman, really loved and understood the polite arts. He had the fine feelings of a man of taste, as well as the sentiments of a hero. He built the princely suite of apartments at Hamptoncourt, on purpose for the reception of those heavenly guests. The English nation were then admitted to the rapturous enjoyment of their beauties. They have remained there till this reign. At present they are perishing in a late baronet's smoky house at the end of a great smoky town. [Sir Charles Sheffield's house in St. James's Park, now called the Queen's Palace.] They are entirely secreted from the public eye; yet, Sir, they were purchased with public money, before the ac-> cession of the Brunswick line, not brought from Herrenhausen. Can there be, Sir, a greater mortification to any English gentleman of taste, than to be thus deprived of feasting his delighted view with what he most desired, and had always considered as the pride of our island, as an invaluable national treasure, as a common blessing, not as private property? The kings of France and Spain permit their subjects and strangers the view of all the pictures in their collections: and sure, Sir, an equal compliment is due to a generous and free nation, who give their prince an income of above a million a |