Whitchurch, T. Townshend. The House then resolved itself into a Committee of Supply, and came to the following Resolutions: 1. "That the sum of 618,340l. 9s. 64d. be granted to his Majesty, to discharge the Arrears and Debts due and owing upon the Civil List, on the 5th of January 1777. 2. "That for the better support of his Majesty's household, and of the honour and dignity of the crown, there be granted to his Majesty, during his life, out of the aggregate fund, the clear yearly sum of 100,000l., to commence from the 5th day of January 1777, over and above the yearly sum of 800,000l. granted by an Act made in the 1st year of his Majesty's reign." April 18. As soon as sir Charles Whitworth came to the bar, in order to present the above Resolutions, Mr. Dempster opposed the bringing up of the report, and recommended a committee of enquiry, as well into the manner, and by what means the debt was incurred, as what might in future be a competent provision, for the maintenance of the honour and dignity of the crown. He said, with whatever confidence ministers might be emboldened to come to parliament, from repeated experience, there had been always, till the present occasion, some little decency, some formality, some attention paid to office usage, and the etiquette of parliament. Applications were usually accompanied by the motives which gave birth to them. If an augmentation of funds was required, the cause of the deficiency was stated; if the deficiency was ascertained, the mode of raising that deficiency was pointed out. But how was it on the present occasion? Deficiencies were stated without shewing the increase of expenditure that caused them; and a fund was desired to be created by parliament, without a single proof of the necessity of such a provision. He could not, without astonishment, see an increase of near half a million on four articles unaccompanied by a single voucher to authenticate them. The heads of expenditure he particularly adverted to, were those of the Cofferer, Treasurer of the Chamber, Master of the Horse, Secret Service, and Pensions. No man would more cheerfully co-operate in relieving his Majesty from his domestic embarrassments; nay at all events, to pay his Majesty's debts; but while his zeal would prompt him to go thus far, his duty as a member of that House, must compel him to know in what manner those debts were contracted. Supposing an act of oblivion were to take place in respect to what had already passed; allowing that the debt ought to be paid, without retrospect or enquiry; the second Resolution, which was to lay an additional burden of 100,000. per annum on the nation, demanded the most serious attention parliament ought to know, whether all, or any part, or a greater sum, were necessary to support the dignity of the crown. That could never be known, till the real outgoings were satisfactorily ascertained; till necessary expences were distinguished from those that were unnecessary; and till the people were satisfied, that the burdens borne by them, were not to answer the purposes of corruption, by influencing the conduct of their representatives in parliament. On the whole, he observed, that much the greater part of the excess of expenditure, arose under the five or six heads before mentioned; upwards of 400,000l. was written off in a few lines. Whatever inclination, therefore, he might have, out of réspect to his Majesty, to pay the debt already contracted, he could not in conscience consent to add 100,000l. to the 800,000l. a year, at present settled on the crown, if the friends of the augmentation did not first consent to go into a committee of enquiry. The accounts before the House were defective; and where they were not, they were obscure, and unintelligible; he should, on these several grounds, oppose the bringing up of the report, till an enquiry was first had to shew that such an augmentation was necessary. account properly contained nothing more than the receipts and disbursements; when, therefore, money was issued by the cofferer, it was no part of his duty to know for what particular service the money was paid, but whether the order came properly authenticated to his office. Lord North observed, that if the accounts were defective, it was not the fault of administration; they were made up pursuant to the precedents of office, except in a few instances, those of the treasurer of the chamber, &c. which he had so fully explained in the committee, to have been occasioned by the papers being taken away by their predecessors in office, which only could have afforded the satisfaction now so earnestly sought. Throughout the arguments used by gentlemen on the other side, it was taken for granted by them, that the extra revenue of the crown was something very considerable. That, he said, was the most mistaken idea that could be well conceived; for except the duchy of Cornwall, he scarcely knew of any benefit his Majesty drew from the extra revenue. Governor Johnstone, after taking a review of the principal arguments which had been employed by those who supported the propriety of discharging the debt and voting the augmentation, said, he was against both measures. It was a current expression from several parts of the House, Sir Edward Astley, as a country gentleman, could never agree to lavish the pro-" The King's debts ought to be paid, but perty of his constituents in such a profuse manner, without knowing how it was disposed of. In 1769, ministers acted both more modestly and consistently: they asked for money only to pay the King's debts, they desired no augmentation, because they said none would be wanting. They produced no accounts; they said the debt was contracted; it must be paid; but it should not be so in future. What is the conduct of ministers on the present occasion? They pretend to produce an account, which is in fact, no account, because it is neither vouched nor documented, nor can it be understood. They adopt the language of 1769, that the debt must be paid; and they demand an augmentation, without adducing a single proof that it ought to be granted. Mr. Stanley, to explain how the excess in the cofferer's office had been caused, said, it was not the business of that office to examine into the detail; the warrants being the only vouchers. The cofferer issued the money directed to be paid; his we will not grant an augmentation of the were yet to be bought at the current established price, some few years since, at 600l. per annum, 200,000l. prudently laid out, would purchase a clear decisive majority of that House, without even the assistance of the present standing corps of pensioners and placemen, already retained by their places, pensions, and annuities, in the service of government. But if administration, already strong enough in numbers, should think better to lay out a part in the purchase of the venal rotten boroughs all over the kingdom, this 200,000l. a year might be most usefully employed, and the court have it in its power to make members, and not be at the trouble of bribing them. The noble lord had confined the whole income of the extra revenue to the duchy of Cornwall. This was a language totally new to him. He should be glad to know what was become of the revenue formerly drawn from the principality of Wales, of the 44 per cent. duties, on the produce of the Leeward islands; of the revenues of the bishopric of Osnaburgh, and those drawn from the duchy of Lancaster and from Ireland. His lordship, the other night, seemed to be quite. certain of recovering America, and counted on his Majesty's hereditary revenue in that country as a matter of course. If so, the rents there would gradually increase; and would augment the extra revenue, which, with the other branches of it al expenditure, which experience has shewn the maintenance of the honour and dignity of the crown requires. If this be not fair reasoning, I should be glad to know, what would the negative go to prove; but that the minister for the time being might lavish the public treasure as he pleased; or incur debts to any amount he thought proper; and then come to parliament without any account, or with any account, however imperfect, and desire that the debt thus incurred might be discharged. Is not the latter precisely the case at present? Was not the former exactly the case in 1769? Standing, therefore, on this ground, I shall resist every proposition for a grant of public money, which is not accompanied by the reasons which support it, and the propriety, if not necessity of granting it; because, if some stated rule be not adhered to, the argument would come to this: that a mere incurring of a debt would establish a claim for its payment; and he, in whom this unlimited power of virtually pledging the public to the payment of whatever debts he might contract, was placed, would certainly hold the public purse, to use it at his pleasure.--The governor made several observations on the encouŕagement such a parliamentary doctrine would give to future ministers, if assented to in the extent he heard it argued the other night. The noble lord in the blue ribbon knew the full operation an addition of 100,000l. a year would have on the un-ready enumerated, would in a few years, derstandings of some idle or sceptical if prudently managed, create an additional members; and how effectually it would fund, that would form an ample revenue serve to oil the wheels of government, for the first crowned head in Europe. In now and then apt to run heavy. His the account of the secret service, it aplordship was fully apprised how many had peared, that within the last eight years tasted of the sweets extracted from the the enormous sum of 600,000l. had been Civil List revenue; how many wished to lavished under that head of expenditure, a partake more bounteously of them; and great part of which was directly issued to what a new supply the proposed addi- sir Grey Cooper and Mr. John Robinson, tion would afford. Yet able as his lord- secretaries of the Treasury; and he preship was, and ready to oblige his friends, sumed, if common sense was to govern, if he suspected the augmentation would ope- probabilities were to prevail, it must be rate contrary to his expectation, in more concluded, that all, or the greater part of instances than one; it would create soli- the money paid into the hands of those citations for favours; it would render the gentlemen, was distributed among memhungry and unsatisfied dependants of the bers, in order to influence their voices in court, more pressing and enormous in their parliament; or at least, in order to redemands, whereas, voting against the mea-gulate their parliamentary conduct, by sure, and defeating it, would be the only means of proving to them, that all their resources, through that channel, were cut off. In these days, a sum of nearly 200,000l. a year was looked upon as a trifle; yet trifling as it might appear, when laid down on the large scale of millions, if members [VOL. XIX. ] enlightening their understandings. Nay, said he, I will not stop here, I will say, that all this money has not been distributed among the members of this House; part of it has gone to my countrymen, in the other; and yet finally operated within these walls. It has been distributed in a [L] manner, which I much more disapprove of, because it has effected double mischief. My countrymen, the Scotch lords, have not only got part of it for their votes, but for doing worse, for influencing the elections in that part of the kingdom; and by that means, sending us members to this House. They are chosen themselves by the minister for the time being. They, in return, chuse representatives for the people; they send their choice here, not to vote or act according to opinion or conscience, but as their patrons direct them. In a few lines, three millions of money are set down, without a single voucher; which is no more than saying, "We have received so much; we have paid so much; the balance is so much against us; and consequently we owe so much." This I will venture to contend, is no account; and if prudence is to govern us, and we are to pay the debt incurred without account, for God's sake let us not depart from every rule of usage, justice, and common sense, by voting an addition without account; or till some grounds are laid before us, to shew that such an addition is necessary. Mr. Welbore Ellis took a review of the several applications made by the crown to parliament, since the Revolution, in order to shew, that it had been uniformly the custom, to grant the money required in most instances, without any account; and where accounts were presented or called for, with accounts made up in the manner now so severely censured; so it was in 1710, in 1721, and in 1725, at the accession of his late Majesty, when the 100,000l. augmentation was made to the Civil List revenue, which was then fixed at 700,000l.; in 1747, and since the accession of his present majesty, in 1769. On all of these occasions no accounts were produced; or they were accounts like the present, shewing the gross expenditure, under the several heads. As to the secret service money, which had furnished so happy a topic for the gentleman who complained of the enormity of the expence, it just amounted to this, in fair argument: either such a head of expenditure ought, or ought not to be permitted. If it ought, it was idle to find fault with it; the very title was expressive of its true nature. It was money given for certain secret transactions, which it was proper to conceal, and supposed to be for the interest of this country. The employing this money wisely and faithfully, was en trusted to certain persons, who were bound only by a faithful discharge of their duty; if there was any thing, then, in the objections made, it could not reach the mode of making up the account; it must be entirely personal, against those who distributed the money. If no such power ought to be intrusted to ministers, that indeed, might be a reason for discontinuing the secret service money in future; but till such a resolution was taken, it must be provided for; and from its very nature must continue to be accounted for, in the customary manner, as none other would be practicable. Colonel Barré declared, he was totally against paying the debt, or making any further addition or allowance whatever. In 1769, he recollected very well the conduct of the noble lord, who was then, as well as now, Chancellor of the Exchequer. When pressed on that occasion, from this side of the House, he solemnly pledged himself, that he would never come again to that House, on the same errand; that he would not advise the King to promise what he could not perform; but to endeavour to keep within bounds; and if he could not keep within the 800,000l. in that case, he should certainly advise his royal master, not by any means to apply to parliament, without accompanying such application with the most full and satisfactory accounts. Now, how has the noble lord performed his engagements with parliament and the public? He has come again to request from this House, to pay the debt incurred by the crown. He has not kept the Civil List expenditure within the bounds he promised to endeavour to limit it; but if that should prove impracticable, he has totally failed in the performance of the condition annexed; he has not accompanied the present application with the necessary accounts; and still to heighten the whole, he has come with the modest demand of 100,000l. addition, without a single document to justify his request.-The colonel next turned his attention to a certain race of animals, who were daily increasing in this country, called Contractors; and, if he was well informed, the noble lord gave every encou ragement in his power to the propagation of this species of the canine and carniverous. His lordship not only tamed and domesticated them when they fawned, and cringed, and flattered; but he hunted and sought them, and never was easy till he secured them within the pleasing toils of He was a fat lucrative contract. As his lordship | his hands, from the most clear, incontroseemed so fond of contractors, in all trans- vertible, and authentic documents, that actions, more immediately within his own 800,000l. a year, was a most ample revenue, province, ministerial and official, it might if frugally, faithfully, and judiciously mabe fairly presumed, he was equally soli- naged, to support in the utmost splendour, citous to encourage them in every thing the lustre and dignity of the crown. respecting the royal household. Some, heard some very strange things fall from he presumed, contracted to supply his the friends of the measure, and particuMajesty with bread; others, meat; a third larly from the noble lord, who brought the kind with wine; a fourth, beer, &c. Now, message. The noble lord said, that the if one might judge, from the manner the King drew no advantage whatever from contracts for the American war were made the extra revenue, but from that part of it and executed, and suppose, that his Ma- which arose within the duchy of Cornjesty's houshold was supplied upon similar wall. The fact might be so; he hoped terms, it would be extremely easy to ac- the noble lord was mistaken or misinformcount for the debt incurred, without sup- ed. If he was not, surely the matter was posing that the expenditure had been laid deserving of the most serious attention of out in corrupting the members of either that House, to discover how, or where the House of Parliament; nay, if the debt remainder of the extra revenue was treble what it is, as he was well con- sunk. Was the revenue no more; or was vinced, there was not a single contract of it still in being, but granted in such a any consequence, madé since the commanner, as to transfer the controul and mencement of the American war, that the possession of it, from the crown into public did not pay full 40 per cent. over other hands? This was a matter that and above the market price, and paying called loudly for investigation; because, for every risk of insurance, and reasonable in the first place, his Majesty should allowance for time and trouble.-He next not be represented as possessing a reenumerated the several sources of the venue long since annihilated, or out of extra revenue, and insisted, that indepen- his power; and parliament and the nation dent of Hanover or Osnaburgh, his Ma- should be informed, how the revenue came jesty was in the actual possession of a to be annihilated or alienated. Such an million a year; and he confessed, he was enquiry, would lead to an account of the 44 much astonished to hear his lordship con- per cent. duties, the revenues drawn from fine the extra revenue, to the duchy of the principality and duchy, and the whole Cornwall, in exclusion of the duchy of of the casual revenue, not appropriated by Lancaster, principality of Wales, 44 per parliament. With regard to the 4 per cent. duties, and the revenue drawn from cent. he had, indeed, heard strange docIreland, which alone, at this instant, trine from the noble lord, that it was amounted to full 90,000l. per annum, ruined by the many grants of pensions now 50,000l. of which was paid to persons re- upon it; did the noble lord mean, that sident within this kingdom. He con- because it was all exhausted by the crown cluded, with describing the hardships pensions, that therefore it was no part of borne by the Irish, the oppressions the the revenue? Or, did he not know that poor labour under, the decline of their the whole of such grants were illegal? A trade, the ruin of their staple manufacture, language which he was authorized to hold, the wanton restraints laid on their com as he was warranted by the Journals so to merce, and a variety of other particulars; do; as he would, if called upon, refer to a and finally affirmed, that no nation under resolution of that House, declaring such the sun was ever so fleeced, scourged, and grants illegal and unconstitutional: that if oppressed as the Irish. no one contradicted his assertion, he hoped the House would give credit to it, and he would prove it if necessary. He repeated that 800,000l. was a noble and ample revenue; and though it were not, it was incumbent on administration to satisfy parliament, upon the most unequivocal proofs, that it was necessary to augment it. Mr. Grenville said, though he had as high respect for the person of the King, and was as zealous to support any measure which promised to promote his domestic happiness, as any person in that House, he should not deserve the name he bore, if he betrayed the duty he owed to his country and his sovereign, by giving a silent vote on the present occasion. He was fully satisfied, from papers which came to Mr. Alderman Sawbridge contended that the deficiency now desired to be provided for, might easily be accounted for, |