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fence of every thing that is dear to them, | forborne to disturb the public tranquillity, will be able, under the protection of Di- in violation of the faith of treaties, and vine Providence, to defeat all the enter- the general rights of sovereigns; at first, prizes which the enemies of my crown by the clandestine supply of arms, and may presume to undertake, and convince other aid to my revólted subjects in North them how dangerous it is to provoke the America; afterwards, by avowing openly spirit and strength of Great Britain. their support, and entering into formal engagements with the leaders of the rebellion, and at length by committing open hostilities and depredations on my faithful subjects, and by an actual invasion of my dominions in America and the West Indies.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons; "I thank you for the cheerfulness with which you have granted the large and ample supplies for the service of the current year, and for your care in raising them in a manner the most effectual, and the least burthensome; and my warmest acknowledgments are due to you for the provision you have enabled me to make for the more honourable support of my family.

"It is, I trust, unnecessary for me to assure you, that the same care and concern for the happiness of my people, which induced me to endeavour to prevent the calamities of war, will make me desirous to see a restoration of the blessings of peace, whenever it can be effected with perfect honour, and with security to the rights of this country.

"In the mean time, I have not neg

"My Lords, and Gentlemen; "Your presence in your respective counties may at this time be of great public advantage; it is unnecessary for me to recommend to you to do your duty in your several stations; on my part, 1lected to take the proper and necessary have no other wish or object but to deserve the confidence of my parliament, and the affections of my people."

The Parliament was then prorogued to the 14th of July; and was afterwards further prorogued to the 26th of November.*

FIFTH SESSION

OF THE

FOURTEENTH PARLIAMENT

OF

GREAT BRITAIN.

The King's Speech on Opening the Session.] November 26, 1778. His Majesty came to the House of Peers, and opened the Session with the following Speech to both Houses:

"My Lords and Gentlemen; "I have called you together in a conjuncture which demands your most serious attention.

measures for disappointing the malignant designs of our enemies, and also for mak ing general reprisals; and although my efforts have not been attended with all the success, which the justice of our cause and the vigour of our exertions seemed to promise, yet the extensive commerce of my subjects has been protected in most of its branches, and large reprisals have been made upon the injurious aggressors, by the vigilance of my fleets, and by the active and enterprizing spirit of my people.

"The great armaments of other powers, however friendly and sincere their professions, however just and honourable their purposes, must necessarily engage our attention.

"It would have afforded me very great satisfaction to have informed you, that the conciliatory measures planned by the wisdom and temper of parliament, had taken the desired effect, and brought the troubles in North America to a happy conclusion.

"In this situation of affairs, the na

tional honour and security call so loudly upon us for the most active exertions, that I cannot doubt of your heartiest concurrence and support. From the vigour of

"In the time of profound peace, without pretence of provocation or colour of complaint, the court of France hath not Immediately after the prorogation, Ed-your councils, and the conduct and inward Thurlow, esq. Attorney General, was created lord Thurlow, and appointed Lord Chancellor, in the room of earl Bathurst. Alexander Wedderburn, esq. was appointed Attorney General, and James Wallace, esq. Solicitor General.

trepidity of my officers and forces by sea and land, I hope, under the blessing of God, to derive the means of vindicating and maintaining the honour of my crown, and the interests of my people, against all our enemies.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons; "I will order the proper estimates for the service of the ensuing year to be laid before you; and when you consider the importance of the objects for which we are contending, you will, I doubt not, grant me such supplies as you shall judge necessary for the public service, and adequate to the present emergency.

"My Lords and Gentlemen;

feating the designs of our enemies. The present crisis, he acknowledged, was critical, and in some respect, alarming. France and America were connected in the most unnatural alliance; other powers might interfere; the most solemn assurances of friendship and neutrality were not wanting, but it was prudent to be prepared for the worst that might hropen; in either event, however, nothing out the most vigorous exertions could promise to free us from our present perilous situation. He observed, that although the vigorous efforts made in the course of the last cam

"I have, according to the powers vested in me for that purpose, called forth the militia to assist in the interior defence of this country; and I have with the greatest and truest satisfaction, been myself a wit-paign were not correspondent to the public ness of that public spirit, that steady ardour, and that love of their country, which animate and unite all ranks of my faithful subjects, and which cannot fail of making us safe at home and respected abroad.”

Debate in the Lords on the Address of Thanks.] His Majesty having retired,

The Duke of Chandos rose and moved an Address of Thanks. His grace began with stating the many public and private virtues of the sovereign, and the obstinacy, baseness and ingratitude of his rebellious subjects in America; a prince, who had made the constitution the rule of his government, and the happiness and prosperity of his people the leading objects of his life. History furnished no example of the kind; that in a time of profound peace, without pretence of provocation, the court of France, contrary to the faith of treaties, had not only entered into engagements with the leaders of rebellion in America, but had committed hostilities on the faithful subjects, and had actually invaded the dominions of the British crown in America and the West Indies. He took a retrospective view of the repeated assurances of amity and sincerity given by that perfidious court, while they were secretly encouraging and assisting rebels in arms against their lawful sovereign, until the moment arrived, that they imagined they could, from the embroiled situation of our affairs, publicly avow that perfidy. This circumstance, joined to the consequences which were justly to be dreaded, if not timely guarded against, would, he trusted, be sufficient to produce unanimity among their lordships and the nation at large; and create a proper sense of the injuries attempted to be put upon it, and of the wound which its honour had received. He said, vigorous measures were the only sure and honourable means of de

expectation, our commerce had been protected, and very considerable reprisals had been made on the enemy in sight of their own coasts, by which they were sorely distressed, and the captors and the nation proportionably enriched. He returned to consider the conduct of America, and said, that the people of that country having obstinately refused the late offers made them by the British parliament, he trusted the people of this country would unite, and no longer consider the revolted colonies as struggling for the privileges of British subjects. but as a sovereign independent state, leagued with a foreign enemy, our destruction. Measures of force were, therefore, become necessary, measures calculated to defeat and dissolve so unnatural alliance, whatever appearances might in some particulars indicate to the contrary; but that the spirit and resources of this country were yet fully equal to the chastisement of both our declared foes and rebellious subjects.

for

The Earl of Plymouth confessed that the present was a most inauspicious period, and called pressingly for the instant aid of every heart and hand in the kingdom to ward off the blow, now meditating against us. He professed himself entirely of opinion of the noble duke, that nothing but the most decisive measures would answer any good end. The enemies of this country must feel its resentments in acts of power and hostility before peace could be restored upon a safe or honourable footing.

Any concession on our part must be fatal: our commerce and manufactures, which were the great sources of our wealth and national power, must be ruined, if America was relinquished. He lived in a great manufacturing county, (Worcestershire) where he was a daily witness to the distresses of both the manufacturers and of those whom they employed. The manu

Being

terms in which it was drawn up.
averse to the prosecution of the American
war, in every precedent stage, it could
hardly be expected, that he would lend
his approbation in the present instance,
when so many additional reasons confirm-
ed him in his former dissent. He did not
come prepared to propose any amend-
ment, nor did he see what amendment
could meet his ideas, without altering the
tenor of the whole Address: otherwise,
he should very readily support every mea-
sure which would go to separate the idea
of making war upon France, distinctly
from America. So far he was ready to
co-operate in any steps necessary for
carrying on a war against our foreign foes;
bnt he begged leave to repeat, that expe-
rience had strengthened his former opi-
nion, and supplied him with additional
reasons, for advising a discontinuance of
hostilities against America, as the only
means of restoring that country to the
British empire.

facturers had ceased to carry on their busi- |
ness, for want of a market; and the working
mechanics were starving for want of employ-
ment. In some of the towns immediately in
his neighbourhood, he was acquainted with
opulent tradesmen and manufacturers, who
instead of employing a hundred or fifty
hands each, did not now employ above ten
or five,
or
in that proportion. He had
often heard it dwelt upon by several noble
lords in that House, that America would
be able to resist the utmost exertions of
this country; that France would at length
interfere in her support; and frequently
since he had heard great merit taken on
the score of those predictions; but the
final event thereof was not yet known, nor
were the authors always justified in what
they said. Among other assertions, he
remembered to have heard it insisted upon
from the same quarter, that the militia, if
called out into actual service, would never
answer the purpose of national defence: the
contrary had been proved in the course of
the preceding summer and autumn. He
believed, those who were most sanguine in
this opinion would agree with him, that
there never appeared a finer body of men,
nor better disciplined, considering the
shortness of the time they were instructed
in the use of arms. He therefore had no
doubt, but several other predictions of the
same tendency would be proved equally
erroneous. His lordship concluded, with
giving it as his firm opinion, that the mea-
sures recommended from the throne were
the only means now left of procuring pub-
lic safety, and of avoiding that public dis-
grace and ignominy, which must follow
any concession which a mistaken prudence
and timidity might suggest, or an insolent
and perfidious enemy think proper to pre-
scribe. He would therefore second the
Address moved by the noble duke.

The Earl of Coventry rose to repeat his former opinion respecting America, which had never altered since it became a subject of debate in that House, but had been uniformly directed to impress this one important truth on their lordships, that the attempt to coerce America, was a measure hazardous in the onset, impracticable in the execution, and if even prosperous, infinitely pernicious and impolitic. This was an opinion he would never retract. He wished, in the language of a noble lord (Bute) on a former occasion, to have that opinion engraved on his tomb-stone. As to the Address moved by the noble duke, he could by no means assent to it in the [VOL. XIX.]

To go into the question, as it presented itself to their lordships, it would be neces sary to consider it previously, as connected with many relative and collateral circumstances. This could be only drawn from facts, or from fair and candid reasonings on those facts. The former would be the actual state of this country, at the commencement of the contest, and at present; to compare those periods, and from thence determine on the probability of success. The same mode of investigation would be necessary in respect of America; look at her, see what she was, and what she is. He would, however, as the point of most immediate consequence, consider the internal and external state of this country. This, he affirmed, would be found to be deplorable indeed. Our armies were either mouldering away, by death, desertion, and sickness, or reduced by loss in battle; were defeated or captives, or acting upon the defensive. Our navy was far from being in a formidable state. Our manufacturers were unemployed, starving, and burthensome to their respective pa rishes. Our commerce was declining; and was carried on, upon such a risk, and on such high premiums of insurance, as to render it but of small advantage to the merchant, and burthensome to the consumer. Public credit drawing fast towards annihilation. Our stocks fallen, nearly as low as at the conclusion of the late war; and their ruin suspended only by a thread, which the least adverse accident would

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might lead to defeat and inevitable ruin? Here he contrasted the state of this country, at this time, with what it was at the commencement of the three last cam

probably cut asunder. Private dissipation and public rapine daily increasing. Divided councils and a general inattention to the concerns of the nation, almost universally spread through every rank of people.paigns. Were our armies more numerous, He acknowledged, that this was a melancholy picture, but if it was a faithful one, it ought not to be concealed from the public; because, without knowing the nature and extent of the evil, it would be impossible to provide a proper remedy.

A thorough reformation, he said, if the facts stated by him were true, (which he believed would hardly be controverted) became absolutely necessary. The constitution must be brought back to its first principles. Pensions, sinecures, and all the engines of a corrupt government, must be totally abandoned. The Augean stable must be thoroughly cleansed; public spirit must be cultivated, encouraged, and nourished by those, who hold the reins of government, and private and personal interest made to give way to that of the public state. But we have lost the man, said he, who was equal to the accomplishment of this Herculean task (lord Chatham) Alas! he is no more; we have lost the man, who, by his example, was capable of sowing the seeds of public virtue, of bringing it to maturity, of calling it into the service of the state, and to the most glorious purposes. While we had that man, whom I esteemed as the palladium of his country, I looked upon this island as invincible; since he went, like the Trojans, I begin to despair. Yet we should not become desperate, but resolve wisely to employ the means still in our power. Let us but once get rid of this American war, and I doubt not, but we shall be still able to counteract the designs of all our enemies. The point he should particularly speak to was, how we were to extricate ourselves from our present difficulties, and avoid the absolute ruin of the empire. This he thought, depended chiefly upon putting a speedy end to the American war, and the mode of doing it. To determine which, it would be necessary to take the question in three different points of view, as presenting so many different measures. Should it be effected, by adopting a new system of coercion? By declaring America independent? Or determining nothing as to the second question, and only withdrawing our fleets and armies?

On the first of these he asked, would it be wise, to risk further events, which

or better disciplined, after the loss of so many thousands, than before we lost a single man? Were our finances upon a better footing, after expending 35 mil lions, than before we spent a shilling? Was America weaker now, when joined with France, than when she contended with us single handed? Or was the distance lessened, and the winds and waves become more obedient to our command? Had we now more experienced generals or admirals? Had we procured new and powerful allies? Were we better united? or were ministers more fully confided in? These questions, he said, must be uniformly answered in the negative. What, then, could be our motive for prosecuting a war, under such apparent disadvantages? The general answer given was, that any war, however dangerous or expensive, was preferable to an inglorious peace. He contended, that the word inglorious,' was merely a relative term; that it referred to the existing circumstances, or meant nothing. What might seem an inglorious peace, under some circumstances, might prove a wise and honourable one under others. On this ground, he should think going to war (the events of which no man could foretel, and which, if unfavourable, must end in the ruin of this country) would be a very hazardous experiment; the risk and the probabilities ought to be seriously considered, and the advantages and disadvantages balanced. For his part, so far as America was concerned, he was well satisfied that a war, merely taken up for conquest, or unconditional submission, must miscarry. He therefore conjured their lordships to look with attention at the present situation of public affairs; to recollect the bad success of almost every measure pursued against America, and the present effect and probable consequences of the war, to the commerce, character, and glory of this nation.

With regard to the second question, the declaring America independent, it was what struck him, as the wisest step to be taken, as matters now stood. Do it fairly, do it fully, and then we shall have leisure to punish France for her perfidy, and to recover ourselves from the danger we have long been exposed to. It was madness to persevere in pursuing an object,

now become utterly impracticable. America might yet court a political commerce with this country; if not, she might find it her interest to form a commercial one; and though she should decline either, he thought it much better to cease hostilities against her, because if we could derive no advantage in the way of friendship, measures of force must inevitably terminate in our destruction.

The third question, that of withdrawing our fleets and armies, substantially amounted to the second, which could not be put in practice without a tacit acknowledgment of American independence, though not an avowed one. Besides, withdrawing the troops without such an acknowledgment, would bear the appearance of a dormant claim, suspended, but not relinquished and would create a jealousy and illwill, little short of a continuance of actual hostilities. What he now said contained his real sentiments, abstracted from any views of party or any other motives, but an anxious desire of rescuing his country from the ruin which seemed ready to burst on it. He was convinced, however prevalent a contrary opinion might be, this country could never recover its former glory and lustre, till the government was new modelled; how far that might be practicable, he did not pretend to say. He concluded by assuring their lordships, that he should be extremely glad to agree with the Address, were it in his power to do so, consistently with his conscience; but he could never think of approving of any system of war, which would directly or eventually go to advise his Majesty to a further prosecution of that against America.

The Earl of Bristol. My lords, it is with the greatest concern, that I find myself obliged to oppose an Address which seems to convey any appearance of expressing our attachment, affection, and duty for his Majesty. Nor would I now do it, did I not feel a consciousness that every action of my life has been such as must convince the whole world of my invariable attachment to the King and his family; which is firmly rooted in my heart, and was in my earliest days nourished by the principles of Whiggism, that has ever distinguished my family, and from which no consideration whatever shall make me deviate. I therefore rise, my lords, to tell you my reasons why I cannot give my assent to such an address as this is; an address that comes here

drawn up by either the ostensible or the hidden minister, to echo back his own words that we have just heard from the throne, and which are now to be sprinkled with fulsome commendations of his own destructive counsels; which counsels have nearly brought these once flourishing kingdoms to ruin. No, my lords, let us, as has been the custom of former parliaments, at least suspend such shameful adulations, and first enquire into the heavy burthens the people groan under, the causes of the loss of the greatest part of the empire, the disappointments of our armies by land and sea, the alarming situation of the fleet, the occasion of the loss of a whole army at Saratoga; the dismission of so many commanders in chief by sea and land, without any reasons assigned, by which the nation is deprived of judging to whom they are to impute all these sad disasters. Let these, my lords, be the objects of our enquiry, if you wish to prove yourselves the guardians of the people, instead of being thought the hired dependants of a minister; and according to our resolutions formed upon an impartial scrutiny on these heads, then propose such a dutiful address to the throne, as the voice and sufferings of the people call for.

My lords, the grievances of the people are innumerable, and spring from a chain of disappointments that have been brought on by counsels, which prove the counsellors unworthy the trust reposed in them. The heavy burthens which the people groan under are such as I need not describe, they are too sufficiently felt by every man in the kingdom, who does not partake of those emoluments, pensions, and perquisites, which are so lavishly scattered upon the betrayers of the people. The loss of the greatest part of the empire, alas! my lords, that is also too obvious to need my reciting; let the blood and treasure hourly ebbing out of these kingdoms, and which are sent 3,000 miles across the ocean, vainly to endeavour to protect the little remains of a vast continent, prove the truth of that assertion. The disappointment of our arms by land and sea needs no other proofs than the different manoeuvres of our great army in America, and the untrophied return of our fleets into port every where. The alarming situation, and almost total ruin of our navy, is well known, and is what I shall take some other opportunity to expatiate upon. The dismission or recall of so many commanders in chief by land

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