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wise answered their purposes abroad, where the same ministers that now declare there never was a doubt of the dukes' marriages, dared to represent to their embassadors and envoys, that no such marriages were established in England.

My wishes are that our benevolence towards the royal family may be open, generous, and in a public spirited line, becoming the nation and the parliament. But by concealment of facts, we may raise suspicions in the minds of those foreign princes included in the succession, whose alliance we now stand in need of, particularly the prince of Brunswick, who led our arms to victory last war, and ought always to be honoured and respected by Great Britain. The opinions of the privy council are liable to change frequently and wantonly-they have given us many recent proofs. I have no commands nor instructions from the duke of Cumberland to assert it, but am sure he neither can nor ought to have an objection to laying the proofs of his marriage before parliament. New ministers may create new doubts. Let the junto who raised such dangerous reports quiet men's minds, not simply by their proceedings in parliament this day, but by some public act to recognize both marriages if duly verified: and out of respect to the nation, if they have none for the princes of the blood, it must then be their duty to make a provision for the dukes to enable them to support their wives, as well as to maintain their children. He insisted, that in full confidence of the sufficiency of the testimony upon these marriages, it would be to the honour and advantage of both duchesses, that the facts in proof should be established by the proper national enquiry, which were the Houses of Parliament.

Mr. T. Townshend wished the motion to be withdrawn, for fear it should widen the breach, instead of healing it. He wished to see all the branches of the royal family in affluence, suitable to their high station; and that unanimity and brotherly affection might make them examples worthy of imitation. He was sure the noble lord so nearly allied to Cumberland-house meant well; but feared that his seconding the motion would prove of bad consequence to the interest of the princes. He applauded highly the conduct of the duke of Cumberland, in his attention and feeling behaviour towards lord Chatham, on his lordship's late sudden illness in the House of Lords. He thought both princes had

virtues and spirit which might, through a reconciliation with the crown, be employed for the benefit of Great Britain; at the same time he professed himself a sanguine and able friend to Gloucester-house.

Mr. Walpole said, the name he bore, made him rise to express his astonishment that the legitimacy of the duke of Gloucester's children should be doubted by any man. He did not accuse the noble lord who seconded the motion: he thought on the contrary that his lordship being fully satisfied, that proofs could be brought of the marriage of the duke of Gloucester, ought from his connection to carry great weight, and hoped he would advise the hon. gentleman to withdraw the motion.

Sir James Lowther said, he was the person who moved an increase of income to the two royal dukes last year, on ac. count of their marriages; which marriages he was happy to hear so fully acknowledged by the ministers. That he recommended the most proper public act for acknowledging those marriages, by an immediate suitable provision for the duchesses of Gloucester and Cumberland; and if ministers did not move it, he would. He observed, that something ought to have been done for the duke of Cumberland, as well as for his brother; but recommended to withdraw the motion for the present.

Mr. Wilkes then withdrew his motion: and the Bill passed both Houses without opposition.

Debate on Mr. Hartley's Motion for putting an end to the American War.] April 9. The House being in a Committee on the State of the Nation,

Mr. David Hartley rose and said:

Sir; the motions which I shall lay before the committee on the state of the nation to day, are nearly to the same effect as those which I offered to the consideration of the House before Christmas. I was then told by the noble lord (North), that they were more proper for the consideration of this committee, than to be brought, in the first instance, before the House, which in the formal way of ceremonious business might, perhaps, be true; but as my wish was, that the House and the public should be informed in the earliest period of the session, of the unmeasurable expence of the American war, I took that opportunity of giving a computation of the total expence, from the beginning of the war to the end of the

Having thus got a computation of the ordinary peace establishment, I have taken from the Journals the amount of the expences incurred in each year since the commencement of the war, each in totals, are as follows:

campaign of the year 1778. There was no objection or refutation then attempted to any of the articles, which are, indeed, incontestable; since that time, this subject has been again canvassed in another House, upon the same documents which I laid before you before Christmas: I have, therefore, very little more to do now, than to walk over the ground again, and just to recite the documents upon which the motions which I shall offer to the committee are founded.

In computing the expence of this American war, I shall state the expence of the Navy, Army, and Ordnance in each year since the commencement of the war, and subtract from the expence of each year respectively, the average expence of the navy, army, and ordnance, in the time of profound peace. The difference will shew the expences occasioned by the war.

The first article which it is necessary to state, is the ordinary expence of the Navy, Army and Ordnance upon the peace esta blishment, under the following heads:

NAVY.

16,000 seamen .

Ordinary of the navy, upon an average, from 1764, to 1772

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£.

500,000

832,000

410,000

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2,500,000

Ship-building, upon an average,

from 1766, to 1770

284,000

Encrease of the navy-debt in 1778 2,000,000
Extras for the ordnance in 1778 400,000

Annual increase of the navy debt upon 16,000 seamen, on the average of 1765, 66, 67, 68, 69.

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Average Peace Establishment for the Navy

Deduct the ordinary peace esta-
blishment

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3,371,000

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Staff, widows, &c.

Extraordinaries of the army, upou an average from 1768 to 1775

Average Peace Establishment for

15,000

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269,000

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the Army

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But this is by no means the whole, for besides these expences, there must remain immense arrears upon the winding up at the conclusion of any war, even if it be supposed that this fatal American war, with all its consequences, could be brought to an end with the present year. In making 1.637,000 an estimate of this article, we must look 1,514,000 at the experience of the last war, which 220,000 produced arrears and unliquidated demands to the amount of near 10,000,000%.. In the present case, the great distance of

3,371,000

the scene of action will enhance every
article, being in a country where during
the last war every thing was friendly and
assisting you, but now unfortunately to-
tally the reverse. The charge of paying
the troops till they can be brought home,
and before they can be disbanded, parti-
cularly the foreign troops, for some of
which we are to pay even 12 months after
they are returned into their own country;
the expence of re-conveying our army,
artillery and stores across the Atlantic, and
sending the foreigners to Germany, with
all our subsidies, arrears, and demands of
every sort, which will be coming in upon
us from year to year, and probably a war
with the House of Bourbon, cannot be es-
timated at less than 10,000,000l. There-
fore the total expence will stand thus,
For the excesses of the Navy,
Army, and Ordnance, above the
current peace establishment, as
arranged under the respective
years 1775, 1776, 1777, 1778
Arrears by computation, after the
close of the war, supposing it to
be brought to a termination by
the end of the year 1778.

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22,990,000

10,000,000

£. 32,990,000

ances and follies of this war. It is more than simply self-destruction; it is ruin twice told; for it is not only cutting off our marine and commerce, but it is throwing both from out our own hands into the lap of our enemies. America is the source of the British marine; three ships out of four upon which the British commerce is navigated, are of American building. That marine, and that commerce, which once were ours, are driven from our ports into those of France. Public credit must, in the end, sink under such conduct. When the commerce and the marine of this country are destroyed, all the means of supporting public credit are gone. Our merchants are crushed, and not supported by the government they live under; what can we expect but perpetual bankruptcies, with which every Gazette is now filled? Even since the commencement of the present session, the public funds are fallen 25 per cent. the 3 per cents from 80 and upwards, down to 60: that fall is the destruction of 20 millions of property: 33 millions may be set as the ostensible expence of the war: but it is only a small part of the total of the destruction of property occasioned by the war; 20 millions more of the property of the stockholders have been annihilated in a few months. The price of land is fallen in the same proportion. What is the landed gentleman to do, who is called upon to discharge a mortgage which may be upon his estate? He must sell his land, perhaps, at 20 or 25 years purchase, instead of 30 or 35, and his pittance which remains must stand the brunt of taxation accumulated in every shape. The havoc and ruin of this accursed American war overtakes us at every turn.

This sum, enormous as it is, will, I fear, be very short of the reality. At what rate shall I set the loss and destruction of the trade of this country, with all its rich resources and produce? At what rate shall I set the loss of 13 provinces, once the pride and strength of the parent state? At what rate shall I set the ruin of the British navy, which has hitherto been the bulwark of this country? At what rate shall I set the lives of many thousands of British Neither the landed man, nor the subjects, whose valour might have been merchant, nor the manufacturer, nor the reserved for the defence of their country, widow, nor the orphan, can escape its instead of being thrown away in the at- fury. All these curses are entailed upon tempt to entail slavery upon the new us by the continuance of the American world? These are losses not to be esti- war. The advisers and conductors of this mated in the vile trash of pounds, shillings, war have a heavy account to answer for and pence. When will these follies come to their country. There are 30 or to an end? The trade, the revenues, and 40,000 seamen lost to this country; 30 or all the strength and resources of this 40,000 land forces destroyed; between country, are sacrificed to the pursuit of 30 and 40 millions of money wasted and this mad and ruinous war. We have al- consumed; 100 ships of capital force cut ready wasted as much money as the prin- off from our natural strength; whole cipal of a 3s. land mortgaged for ever would armies swallowed up, and all this to puramount to. The interest of 33 millions, chase the loss of 15 colonies; and, perat only 4 per cent. is 1,320,000l. per haps, when we have stripped ourselves of annum, which is more than the net pro- our natural powers of defence, we may induce of 3s. in the pound upon land. vite an invasion at home, and bring the It is endless to recapitulate all the griev-seat of war to our own coasts. Surely,

therefore, upon the sum total of the experience which we have so dearly bought, and upon the certain prospect of all the farther evils which threaten this country, I am justly entitled to recommend it, as the opinion of this committee, that it is unbecoming the wisdom and prudence of parliament to proceed any farther in the support of this fruitless, expensive, and destructive American war.

I never can refrain from pressing again and again the necessity of an immediate peace with America. There is nothing that can destroy the powers and faculties of this country, but its being divided against itself. Give us peace with America, and we shall be ourselves again. Give us again our American family compact, and I shall be the last man to fear the House of Bourbon; and with reason, for confidence should not be vain and visionary, but should take reasonable grounds for its foundation. The unfortunate treaty which is already too far advanced between France and America, may possibly deprive us of the assistance of America in any contest with France, even if you were to make peace with America this moment. But in any case we should at least recover to our use 100 ships of force, which are now cut off from us, we might recover the use of 30 or 40,000 men both by land and sea, either for defence, or for offence, if necessary. If you would make peace with America upon equal and fair terms, trade would again return to your ports, and public credit would thereby feel the means of support. And besides this, what is beyond every thing else in national operations, unanimity would give vigour to our counsels. Foreign powers, instead of despising us for our folly, and lying in wait to take advantage of the wasting of our strength, would stand in awe of the powers of this country, when conducted upon the principles of wisdom and justice, and abandon the thoughts of any insults or attack upon the honour or rights of this country. They have shrunk under its power when united, and conducted by an able administration. The means are still the same, if there were the same wisdom in our counsels.

No man can charge me with disparaging the powers and faculties of my country; my sentiments have always been that they exist in all their vigour, but that they are misapplied. They are not directed against the natural enemies of this country but against itself. I would wish that this dis[VOL. XIX.]

tinction should make an impression upon the minds of the committee, and of the public, and of all foreign courts. If you would be prevailed upon to relinquish this fatal war, all would be well. There would then be no ground left for a war with France, or with any part of the House of Bourbon. And if they were either so unreasonable, or so unwise, as unnecessarily to provoke a war, we should be well prepared, and capable of resenting every insult, and of repelling every attack upon the national honour. But it is our folly alone that tempts them. I have pleaded so zealously for the restoration of peace with America, that I wish to attach the explanation with it, as not undervaluing the powers of this country in respect to any foreign nations if we were at peace with ourselves. It is no disparagement to any country to advise them against impossibilities. Give us peace with America, and there is nothing under Heaven that this country needs to fear. For these reasons I have drawn up a particular Resolution expressive of this well grounded confidence, if such measures of wisdom are pursued, by which the national faculties and exertions may be reserved, for the just and necessary occasions of supporting its own dignity, and defending its own, rights, instead of profusely lavishing them away in the pursuits of injustice, folly and madness.

But it may be said, "How shall we obtain peace; and upon what terms? We would have an honourable peace." And so we may; for who makes war with us? It depends upon ourselves. We have only to relinquish our folly and Quixotism, and there is an end. It is the madness of the undertaking, and the obstinacy of persevering even after conviction that is dishonourable. The dishonour comes from them who would precipitate their country into impossibilities, who advised the King not even to give an answer to the united petition of all America, when they were at the feet of this country seeking for justice. You spurned them from you with indignation. It was the ministry of this country who would admit of no reasonable or constitutional terms. I say, reasonable and constitutional terms, because I presume that the ministry themselves will so denominate the terms which have been lately voted in this House in those Conciliatory Bills, which have received the unanimous sanction of the legislature. If those terms are reasonable and constitutional now, [32]

was the ministry of this country which drove the Americans into foreign alliances, by the example of hiring foreign troops, and which reduced them to the alternative of unconditional submission or independence. In this dilemma they chose the latter; and in such a dilemma they should have made no other choice. If you would have conceded to them reasonable and constitutional terms of connexion, they did over and over again disavow every wish or claim of independence. It is the administration of this country who have forced them into independence; they now possess it, nor is it in your power to wrest it from them. Let it be remembered who drove their country to set the whole upon this desperate cast. By the advice of your ministers you set all prudent counsels at defiance, and by the folly of their conduct you have lost America.

then they always were so; yet these Bills contain neither more nor less than the very offers which were made to this country from the Congress in their last petition three years ago. Many and many propositions, tantamount to these, have been made by the opposers of this mad war, but the ministry have always crushed them by an inflexible influence in the counsels of this House. I myself did, more than three years ago, on the 27th of March 1775,* offer to this House the very identical terms, or nearly so, which are contained in your late Conciliatory Acts, and which were taken as the foundation of the petition of the Congress in the month of July 1775. The draught of a letter of requisition to the colonies in the usual and accustomed manner, which I then laid before you, might have made peace at that time, for those terms were accepted by the Congress in their Petition to the King and Address We may have peace with America if we to the people of Great Britain, a few chuse it, but not upon the terms that we months after. That they were reasonable might have had it at the time when the petiand constitutional terms I am justified now tion from the Congress was rejected, nor at least to say, because in your late Conci- even upon the terms that we might have liatory Acts they have received the una- had six months ago. The only rule that nimous sanction of the legislature. I hope, we seem to follow, is, to refuse the terms therefore, that I may stand acquit for one, which may be had at the time, till it beas never having sacrificed the honour of comes too late, and then we see our folly. this country by any mean or unbecoming I myself told the administration in this proposal. It is not towards those who very place before Christmas, that there have opposed this mad war, that you are was an opening to treat, by which they to look as the causes of the irksome situa- might have prevented the treaty between tion in which you find yourselves now. If France and America. The conduct of the our advice had been followed, things would French court towards the Americans had not now be as they are. Many thousands of been so deceitful and unsatisfactory, as lives, many millions of money would have gave the greatest disgust. I informed them been saved to this country, much honour that they might hit the blot, and take adand prosperity would have been its lot, in-vantage of it. My words in this House stead of the distraction in which we now see ourselves involved,

You are to thank your ministers for having led you to the dishonour of refusing the reasonable and constitutional terms of accommodation offered by your colonies in 1775. That was the fatal æra which gave an inflexible obstinacy to the coun sels of this nation, to require absolute and unconditional submission before you would treat. The present minister of the American department entered into his office, with the public avowal of these principles. All Europe was ransacked for mercenaries to impose unconditional submission upon your colonies. What, then, was there left for them to do, but to seek their safety in independence and foreign alliances? It

* See Vol. 18, p. 552.

were, "Do it before you sleep." They slept and did it not. They prevailed upon the House to adjourn itself for two months, and the time was lost. If nothing less than independence will now do, you must thank the administration who have driven things to all extremities. You have tried the event of three campaigns, and have failed in all. You have lost an entire army, you have likewise lost your time to recruit and augment that which remains, and the most probable prospect for sir W. Howe's army, is, that they may share the same fate with that under general Burgoyne, unless you have the prudence to withdraw it in time.

I grieve to see that things are come to so desperate a pass; none of the measures which have brought us to it, had my con currence. I would have advised far others.

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