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through the decent and legal forms of ac- peculiarly favoured nation. The kingdom knowledging and authenticating the mar. at large contemplate with rapture his Mariage of his royal higliness the duke of jesty's numerous, and still,' I hope, inGloucester, in order to legitimate his chil-creasing progeny, as insuring even beyond dren. And it became the more necessary, our children's children, to the “ nati notobecause the present ministers had occa- rum, et qui nascentur ab illis,” the blesssioned so many reports of their doubts; ings and glories of his reign. It is the which, though they only meant as a cloak duty of his faithful Commons here to do for persecution, and to prevent foreign more, to provide for them in a manner courts from paying the duchess of Glou- adequate to their exalted birth and royal cester proper respect, might be construed dignity. by the princes in the succession, to have The message, Sir, from the crown, points arisen from the circumstances of the in- out to us the provision, and the mode of it, quiry made by the privy council: and as which is desired. I give my hearty conthey were going to recognize one mar- sent to the grant. It will be a grant worriage, he thought it would be proper to thy of the English nation, worthy of the lay before the House the certificate and great personages, in whom we have now proofs by witness, of the marriage of their so important an interest. Hereafter, I royal highnesses the duke and duchess of trust, we may claim a share of their future Cumberland.
fame and glory. Yet Sir, I regret, that Mr. Rigby rose to ask if any man in it is not made a certain provision for them the House or in the nation had any doubt during his Majesty's life, and the duke of of the legality of those marriages? He Gloucester's, as well as during the life of said, that he sat in the privy council at the the prince of Wales, or the successors of time they were investigated; that he had the reigning monarch. It is only to take no doubts, and did not wish to have a mo- effect after the demise of the crown, and tion which could imply that there were on the death of the duke of Gloucester. any. He thought it a proper mark of Sir, if I understand the Bill in your hand, respect towards the duke of Gloucester, it compels the prince of Wales to grant to read the Bill a second time the same out of the hereditary revenues of the day.
crown the annual sum of 60,0001. to the Lord North again moved the second King's sons, 30,0001. to his daughters, and reading of the Bill, and said it was usual to 12,000l. to the children of the duke of hurry such Bills as related to the royal Gloucester, during their respective lives; family, in order to shew unanimity upon but no permanent provision is made for the question.
them during the present reign, or the life Mr. Wilkes. Sir; the very title of the of the duke of Gloucester. The Bill Bill, which the noble lord has just pre- effectually ties up the hands of the sucsented to the House, will give the truest cessor, but leaves the prince on the throne pleasure to the friends of the Protestant the option of any provision for the chilsuccession. A royal family, already so dren and other very near relations of the numerous, is an invaluable addition to the crown during the life of his present Manational strength and importance. Every jesty, and his next brother. I desire to Englishman, who is at heart anxious not be set right, if I have mis-stated the Bill, only for the permanent, but the perpetual, which has just been read to the House. preservation of our liberties in the august (Lord North said, “ The hon. gentleman line of Brunswick, must now enjoy the is certainly right. The King will not be highest satisfaction. The alarming fears, obliged to make any provision by this Bill which our ancestors at various periods ex- for any part of the royal family, during perienced, from a suspicion of the failure his own life and that of the duke of Glouof succession to the imperial crown of|cester.” Mr. Wilkes then added, ] 1 subthese realms, are not likely to disturb their mit, Sir, to the House, that in this respect posterity. We live in happier times. The the Bill is imperfect. The provision for gratitude of this House to Heaven in the younger branches of the royal family creases every year, with the fortunately is not an immediate certain provision, but prolific, annual increase of the royal off-to take effect at a distant period. They spring. We triumph in those indearing are left at the present moment without the pledges of our monarch's love, and the smallest fixed revenue, or support, inde. public felicity, which an all-bounteous pendent of the crown. The sovereign Providence continues to bestow on this makes no grant, but we are taking away,
without his consent, during his minority, two branches of the legislature, have by a part of the hereditary revenue of the an express act of parliament the power to prince of Wales, for the future mainte- “ make laws and statutes of sufficient force nance of his brothers, sisters, and the more and validity to limit and bind the crown, remote branches.
and the descent, limitation, inheritance, The example of this generosity is not and government thereof.” The maintaingiven by the father and the sovereign to ing the contrary doctrine by writing or his first subject, although it comes in the printing is declared a species of high treamode of a paternal precept. We leave son, and whatever slavish positions of herethem now in a state of the most absolute ditary, divine, indefeisable right may be dependance on the crown, on the caprice adopted in despotic countries, and by mo. of the sovereign, or perhaps the mercy of dern courtiers here, the people of England the minister. The Bill therefore, in my in general consider their crown as the free opinion, ought to be extended to a settle gift of the nation, settled on their own ment of the same revenues to take place terms and conditions. We know that the immediately, and to be secured by the British crown is not in the gift of the reignfullest parliamentary grants irrevocably. ing prince. He is only tenant for life,
The strong ties of blood in the first degree while he observes the original compact. would in this case coincide entirely with The people, Sir, in consequence, posthe wishes of the people. I may surely, sess the right to be informed of whatever Sir, leave in all safety to the servants of respects the succession. All we know as the crown so acceptable a service to the to the marriages of the King's brothers best of princes and of parents.
amounts to this, that they were private A circumstance, Sir, of the utmost im- and clandestine, and that no proof of their portance seems on this occasion to have legality has hitherto been given to the nabeen intirely neglected by ministers. It tion. The proofs of those marriages ought is remarkable that the children of his Ma- to be communicated to the two Houses of jesty's next brother, the duke of Gloucester, Parliament, while the parties are still alive, are recognized and provided for by this and the witnesses with us may be examined. Bill, before there has been a notification in The facts may now be ascertained with any way to parliament, or to the public, precision. If any doubts have been sugof his Royal Highness's marriage. I have gested in this age, they may be removed not, Sir, the least doubt of the legality of by those living witnesses, to whom no rethat marriage, but I know that strong course can be had in succeeding times. I doubts have formerly been entertained, regret that there are so many “ historic even by some of the present ministers. doubts" in our history. Posterity has this The noble lord is as ill informed on this just claim on the present generation, that subject as he has been all along respecting our fields may not be again deluged with America, when he ventures to assert, the blood of a brave people in a fatal civil that no man now has the least doubt contest. Should the smallest degree of remaining. In consequence of the ge- scepticism now exist, the progress of it, if neral uncertainty in the minds of the na- not timely checked, is known to be rapid, tion a very few years ago, the privy coun- and it would acquire strength even from cil entered upon the enquiry of the le- the general destroyer, Time. The fullest gality of the duke of Gloucester's mar- light ought now to be thrown on a transacriage. They received evidence, which, as tion hitherto covered with clouds and darkevidence has never been cominunicated to "This enquiry, Sir, I likewise consider as the public, a degree of scepticism I know a point of national honour and justice to has continued. I wish it removed. It several foreign princes, who are allied by will be undoubtedly, when parliament shall marriage to the crown of Great Britain. be treated by ministers with respect, when The House of Nassau, to whom we owe the great council of the nation shall be the restorer of our violated constitution, furnished with the proofs, which flashed the king of Denmark, the princes of Brunsconviction on the minds of the privy wick and Hesse, and others of the Procouncil. The representatives of the peo- testant line, are actually in the parliamenple, Sir, have surely a right to examine tary entail of the crown. They will think every thing respecting the succession to that we are proceeding in a very irregular the imperial crown of these realms, be- manner, when we make settlements on the cause they, in conjunction with the other children of the King's next brother, as
legal heirs of the crown after the children | Majesty would be graciously pleased to of the King, before the marriage of his order the proofs of the marriages of their Royal Highness has been publicly recog- Royal Highnesses the Dukes of Gloucesnized.
ter and Cumberland to be laid before this Sir, in this Bill I should have been happy House.” if there had been a clause respecting her Lord Irnham seconded the motion. His royal highness the duchess of Gloucester, lordship said, though on some personal for whom no establishment is mentioned, considerations it must be disagreeable to although the Bill contains a provision for me to speak on this Bill, yet as it is not her two children. The honour of the na- of a private nature, but concerns the hotion, and the splendor of the British crown, nour and justice of the nation at large, I call upon us to proceed to ascertain an ade- return thanks to the hon. member for his quate provision during life for the wives of motion, and wish the marriages of their the royal brothers. It would have natu- royal highnesses the dukes of Gloucester rally taken place in a Bill of this nature, and Cumberland to be fully investigated, consecrated to the Brunswick line, the established, and circumstantially proved to elected of Heaven and the people, as the the parliament and the nation. The right protectors of our liberties, if ministers had hon. member (Mr. Rigby) says, “Who adopted the same liberality of sentiment, doubts the legality of the duke of Glouwhich pervades the nation. Is this par- cester's marriage?” Sir, I should have been liament, Sir, doomed to counteract the less surprised at hearing that spoken by wishes of a whole kingdom? or is it meant any other member than one of the privy to attempt the subjecting every branch of council, who must either fail in his methe royal family to the same servility, mory, or agree with me, that reports prewhich has characterised the present ma- vailed that there were doubts of sufficient jority in this House?
proof being established, before the Lord There is not, Sir, a private gentleman Chancellor, the archbishop of Canterbury, among us, who has not painful ideas from and the bishop of London, sent to Glouthe precarious situation of the two royal cester house to examine into the marriage duchesses, almost unparalleled in any of his royal highness the duke of Glouces. family of distinction. They have still to ter, by order of the privy council. expect, from the merited esteem of the It was said, and it is now avowed in parnation, an establishment adequate to their liament, that they neither found certificate high rank, and the additional lustre it has nor any living evidence to prove the marreceived from their unexceptionable, I riage. That upon the report to the privy might say exemplary, conduct. I hope council, the entry was made in the book such a provision will be made, and I am “ legally married;" but the privy council very happy that the worthy baronet (sir determined to leave the word " legally" : James Lowther) near me bas given the out. Several occurrences followed, which House assurances of his moving it in partended to create doubts in men's minds, liament, if it continues to be neglected by such as sending a message to administration. The motion will come house, upon the duchess proving with child, from him with weight and dignity, nor can to propose to them to be married again, there be a doubt of his generous endea- and afterwards refusing to bury a child of vours being crowned with success. the duke of Gloucester's in Westminster
To facilitate, Sir, so important a busi- abbey. These reports were propagated ness, the previous step I have mentioned by the ministers. Is it, therefore, decent seems necessary. Every communication or parliamentary, that the same ministers, ought to be made to parliament, which without first quieting the minds of his can elucidate a matter at present obscure, Majesty's subjects, and laying the evil that we may know the sure grounds on spirit which themselves had raised, should which we proceed. We shall then be in in a moment make parliament decisively possession of those clear proofs alluded to, cut off the legal succession of the House without which I do not think we can with of Hanover. I was not the person to propriety enter upon that clause of the doubt the marriage, and therefore I call Bill in your hand, 'Sir, which respects the for proofs to be laid before parliament. I descendants of the duke of Gloucester. I believe ministers acted in this insolent therefore hope, Sir, for the concurrence manner, in order to have a better pretence of the House in a motion for “ an humble for insulting the duchess of Gloucester, and dutiful Address to the King, that his and to refuse her a maintenance. It likewise answered their purposes abroad, virtues and spirit which might, through a where the same ministers that now declare reconciliation with the crown, be employed there never was a doubt of the dukes' for the benefit of Great Britain ; at the marriages, dared to represent to their em- same time he professed himself a sanguine bassadors and envoys, that no such mar- and able friend to Gloucester-house. riages were established in England. Mr. Walpole said, the name he bore,
My wishes are that our benevolence made him rise to express his astonishment towards the royal family may be open, that the legitimacy of the duke of Glougenerous, and in a public spirited line, cester's children should be doubted by any becoming the nation and the parliament. man. He did not accuse the noble lord But by concealment of facts, we may raise who seconded the motion : he thought on suspicions in the minds of those foreign the contrary that his lordship being fully princes included in the succession, whose satisfied, that proofs could be brought of alliance we now stand in need of, particu- the marriage of the duke of Gloucester, larly the prince of Brunswick, who led our ought from his connection to carry great arms to victory last war, and ought always weight, and hoped he would advise the to be honoured and respected by Great hon. gentleman to withdraw the motion. Britain. The opinions of the privy coun- Sir James Lowther said, he was the cil are liable to change frequently and person who moved an increase of income wantonly—they have given us many recent to the two royal dukes last year, on acproofs. I have no commands nor instruc- count of their marriages ; which marriages tions from the duke of Cumberland to he was happy to hear so fully acknowledged assert it, but am sure he neither can nor by the ministers. That he recommended the ought to have an objection to laying the most proper public act for acknowledging proofs of his marriage before parliament. those marriages, by an immediate suitable New ministers may create new doubts. provision for the duchesses of Gloucester Let the junto who raised such dangerous and Cumberland; and if ministers did not reports quiet men's minds, not simply by move it, he would. He observed, that their proceedings in parliament this day, something ought to have been done for but by some public act to recognize both the duke of Cumberland, as well as for his marriages if duly verified: and out of brother; but recommended to withdraw respect to the nation, if they have done the motion for the present. for the princes of the blood, it must then Mr. Wilkes then withdrew his motion : be their duty to make a provision for the and the Bill passed both Houses without dukes to enable them to support their opposition. wives, as well as to maintain their children. He insisted, that in full confidence of the Debate on Mr. Hartley's Motion for sufficiency of the testimony upon these putting an end to the American War.] marriages, it would be to the honour and April 9. The House being in a Comadvantage of both duchesses, that the facts mittee on the State of the Nation, in proof should be established by the pro
Mr. David Hartley rose and said: per national enquiry, which were the Houses of Parliament.
Sir ; the motions which I shall lay Mr. T. Townshend wished the motion before the committee on the state of the to be withdrawn, for fear it should widen nation to day, are nearly to the same efthe breach, instead of healing it. He fect as those which I offered to the conwished to see all the branches of the royal sideration of the House before Christmas. family in affluence, suitable to their high I was then told by the noble lord (North), station; and that unanimity and brotherly that they were more proper for the consiaffection might make em examples wor- deration of this committee, than to be thy of imitation. He was sure the noble brought, in the first instance, before the lord so nearly allied to Cumberland-house House, which in the formal way of ceremeant well ; but feared that his seconding monious business might, perhaps, be true; the motion would prove of bad consequence but as my wish was, that the House and to the interest of the princes. He ap. the public should be informed in the plauded highly the conduct of the duke of earliest period of the session, of the unCumberland, in his attention and feeling measurable expence of the American war, behaviour towards lord Chatham, on his I took that opportunity of giving a comlordship’s late sudden illness in the House putation of the total expence, from the of Lords. He thought both princes had beginning of the war to the end of the
campaign of the year 1778. There was Having thus got a computation of the no objection or refutation then attempted ordinary peace establishment, I have to any of the articles, which are, indeed, taken from the Journals the amount of incontestable; since that time, this subject the expences incurred in each year since has been again canvassed in another the commencement of the war, each in House, upon the same documents wbich totals, are as follows: I laid before you before Christmas: I have,
1775. 1776. 1777. therefore, very little more to do
Navy 2,496,538 4,153,214 4,590,458 to walk over the ground again, and just to Army 2,206,457 4,799,008 4,003,948 recite the documents upon which the mo- Ordnance 451,230 522,360 620,594 tions which I shall offer to the committee are founded.
Total for each In computing the expence of this Ame- year 5,154,225 9,474,582 9,215,000 rican war, I shall state the expence of the
establishment 5,371,000 3,371,000 3,371,000 Navy, Army, and Ordnance in each year since the commencement of the war,
Excess £. 1,783,225 6,103,582 5,844,000 Bubtract from the expence of each year respectively, the average expence of the
The sums already voted for the present navy, army, and ordnance, in the time of profound peace. The difference will shew year 1778, are as follow:
For the Navy the expences occasioned by the war.
4,005,895 The first article which it is necessary to
For the Army
For the Ordnance , state, is the ordinary expence of the Navy,
382,816 Army and Ordnance
7,231,268 blishment, under the following heads : Articles to be added upon computaNAVY.
500,000 16,000 seamen
Expences upon the vote of credit
and for extraordinaries of the
2,500,000 Ship-building, upon an average,
Encrease of the navy.debt in 1778 2,000,000
Extras for the ordnance in 1778 from 1766, lo 1770 284,000
400,000 Annual increase of the navy debt upon 16,000 seamen, on the ave
Total Navy, Army, and Ordnance rage of 1765, 66, 67, 68, 69, 111,000
Deduct the ordinary peace estaAverage Peace Establishment for
3,371,000 the Navy
£.9,260,268 ARMY. Guards, garrisons and plantations,
These are the excesses of the several about
1,000,000 years of this war above the current peace Chelsea and half pay
230,000 establishment, viz. Staff, widows, &c.
15,000 Extraordinaries of the army, upou
Excess for 1775
6,103,000 an average from 1768 to 1775 269,000
1773 Average Peace Establishment for
9,260,000 the Army 1,514,000
£. 22,990,000 ORDNANCE. Ordinary
170,000 But this is by no means the whole, for Extraordinary
50,000 besides these expences, there must remain
immense arrears upon the winding up at Average Peace Establishment for
the conclusion of any war, even if it be the Ordoance
supposed that this fatal - American war, RECAPITULATION.
with all its consequences, could be brought Arerage expence in time of peace
to an end with the present year. In making for the Navy
an estimate of this article, we must look Ditto for the Army
1,514,000 at the experience of the last war, which Ditto for the Ordoance
220,000 produced arrears and unliquidated de
mands to the amount of near 10,000,0001.. Total Peace Establishment for
In the present case, the great distance of Navy, Army and Ordnance . 3,371,000