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The Duke of Richmond replied to the saw nothing on that occasion sufficient to noble lord's speech. He said, men it was encourage them to a repetition of the same certain were in that House and out of it, species of warfare. in great abundance; and money, as the He observed, the noble lord avowed his noble lord has said, abounded in private preference of measures to men. So did coffers. But when a war was determined he, when measures stood in opposition to upon, it became necessary not to trust to men. It is true, the noble lord censured, your eye, in point of numbers, nor esti- in a very able manner, the conduct of the mate the populousness of those kingdoms present ministry; but what did that cenby the people you saw in that House, in sure amount to, when his lordship’s geneLondon streets, or on the road to Bath. ral sentiments went to an indiscriminate It was generally believed that France con- approbation of those of the noble earl who tained twenty four millions, Spain six or spoke the preceding day? The noble earl seven, and America three. What had we said, he desired no man's employment; he to oppose to that number in Great Britain wished for no man's place. All he found and Ireland ? Little more, he believed, fault with was • unretracted error. His than eight millions. He allowed, that if grace appealed to the noble lord, whether America was with us, notwithstanding the the phrase, unretracted error, did not disparity of numbers, we might be equal fairly import, that the noble earl had no to the whole House of Bourbon; but objection to unite or support the present America not only detached from us, but ministers, on condition that they retracted actually put in the scale against us, he their errors ? If measures, not men, meant thought, to hazard so unequal a contest, this, he fully understood what was inwould be madness in the extreme.

tended. ; His grace assured their lordships, that His grace observed, much had been no one more sincerely wished that Ame- said and relied upon in argument, by the rica-might return to her former connection noble lord, on our abilities, on what we with this country than he did; but it was were able to do against the common the impracticability in one event, the dan enemy; yet a great part of the noble lord's ger in the other, and the injustice of com- own argument went to prove the necessity pelling her by force of arms, that all of a superior force. His lordship called equally operated upon his mind, and in for a much superior force to any thing we duced him to be of opinion, that the only could procure for several months, even for way to get clear of all those difficulties, the defence of the southern part of the would be at once to declare her indepen- island. He asked a noble duke on the dent. He said, suppose Great Britain had other side of the House, whether, in case nothing to interrupt her, and that she of an attack in Scotland, he had either should prevail in the contest, would such men or money to repel such an attack? a connection be either a desirable or a The silence of the noble duke implied a profitable one? Most certainly not. If negative. The same question might be conquest on our part was to be the conse-extended to Ireland, which, by all acquence of the contest, the Americans counts, was in a most defenceless condi. must be slaves; and even though they tion. The noble lord had observed, very were slaves, the expence, trouble, and ha-pointedly, that although the militia were zard of keeping them in such a state of called out and ordered to be embodied, servile subjection, would cost this nation yet such was the state of public credit, more money than would be sufficient to that the minister was either afraid, or could balance any advantage we could possibly not procure money to pay them. What, draw from such a dominion. ..then, said his grace, does the argument of

His grace observed, that the noble lord the noble lord and noble earl amount to? talked much of the vulnerable parts of The latter says, he wages no war with perFrance and Spain. If there were no other sons, but with unretracted error: and the motives, nor stronger, for entering into a noble lord says, that measures, not men, are war, than the advantages to be derived what he looks to. Surely, the noble lord from sudden attacks and debarkations on will not say, though war was declared to-mortheir coasts, those would weigh very little row, that the present ministers could have a with him. He remembered, that in the more effectual support than they have; course of the late war, he served in com- consequently his lordship will confess, that pany with the noble lord on one or more of even good and necessary measures cannot those expeditions; and be imagined they prove successful in the hands of the present ministers. His grace proved, that | France had not interfered, I declare, for either his lordship must declare in favour one, that I do not entertain a wish that of American independence, and peace with America was forced into submission, and I France, or give up men, as connected with will give my reason for making this demeasures : for in many instances, particlaration. The conduct of this country cularly in the present, measures cannot be for some years past, has obviously been separated from men ; the former, however such as tended to reduce America to serexpedient, wise, or necessary, must fail, vility, to slavery; every measure of admiwhile the execution of them is intrusted in nistration was calculated to wound the such hands as now hold the reins of go- freedom of the colonies ; and it requires vernment. He contended, that he repeated but little argument to prove, that as soon no more than the noble lord's own argu- as America is enslaved, Great Britain's ments; for they all went to prove, in the loss of liberty will be at hand. Exclusive fullest manner, what had been now as- of this very galling circumstance, what an serted.

immense expence, what a heavy burden His grace, after describing very fully would it be to this country, to keep so exour internal state, and the powers we had tensive a continent in a state of slavery? to contend with, supposing we should None but the weakest of politicians, node drive France into the arms of America, but the worst of men, would ever have declared, that no man in his senses would dreamt of aiming at a purpose so mani. think of going to war under such circum- festly unjust, injurious, and destructive ! stances; or expect to impress the minds The noble earl had mentioned prince of his hearers with conviction, that this Ferdinand as a great general, and inticountry, after having proved herself inca- mated a wish that he was at present called pable to prevail over America single on to 'take the command of that army handed, could stand any chance of victory which was to defend the kingdom. The in a contest with France, Spain, and Ame noble earl had mentioned the prince as rica, united. He declared, he wished as the one man whose abilities and wisdom sincerely as any one of their lordships, or united had been the cause of an army of the noble lord who spoke last, for a speedy 40,000 men beating an army of 100,000. accommodation between Great Britain He could not help differing from the noole and America, without making so great a earl in both points. He believed few vicsacrifice as the dependency of the latter; tories were owing either to the single but fatal experience had put it past a valour or the single experience of one doubt, in his mind, that things were gone man. If the instruments under him were too far for such a desirable event to take not equal to the task achieved, the atplace. He should have been much better tempt would necessarily prove fruitless. pleased, if the noble lord, instead of launch- | A smaller army might beat a larger ; but, ing forth into a description of ideal men then, not only the men must be well disa and money, had shewn how America was ciplined, and full of spirit, but the officers to be regained; how the thirteen states second in command, and those inferior, now, even by the noble lord, acknow- | down to the very subalterns, must be caJedged to be independent, were to be pable of giving effect to the plan of their brought back to allegiance and depen- | leaders, and by a proper co-operation indency on this country. He saw no pros- | vigorate and support the efforts of the pect of it ; and therefore, being anxious to whole army. He had his eye on a noble render America at least a friend to Great earl who served under prince Ferdinand, Britain, had thrown out his ideas as to the and to whom he verily believed a great best means of doing it. He begged the part of the prince's success last war ought noble earl, as well as their lordships, to justly to be ascribed. That noble earl consider, that America, if not the friend of (Waldegrave) was, in his opinion, as ca: Great Britain, must necessarily become pable of taking the command of our army, the friend of France, and of consequence, and conducting it successfully, in case of could not stand neuter with regard to us. invasion, as any German prince in Chris

Suppose, added his grace, that matters tendom; and he never could consent to inwere not in the perilous state that they treat the service of foreigners in our army, really are; suppose, for the sake of argu- while so many able English officers were ment, that the last campaign had been unemployed. still more successful than it was, that The Earl of Shelburne said, as soon as America was likely to submit, and that the French ambassador delivered the of

fensive paper, they should have given im- he would venture to say, that no officer mediate orders for the striking of some who served in Germany last war would decisive blow at France; some sudden deny him a claim to uncommon abilities: shock, that would serve effectually to draw indeed he had never heard of more than her attention from making an offensive one commander (lord G. Germain) in war, either in Europe or elsewhere, to the that army, who did not always speak of protection and security of her own coasts him in terms of praise, in terms of admi. and distant dependencies. Ministers, ig- ration. He concluded with declaring, norant as they were, must know, that that no good could be expected from the · France was vulnerable in the West Indies, present men in office, who stood not on

There the troops and fleet under general their own legs, and dared not maintain a and lord Howe must have proved success- single opinion, unless it was backed and fül. He had seen an officer of rank and supported by their colleagues, who reexperience, lately returned from Phila- ceived their final instructions from an au. delphia, who assured him that the army thority they dare not acknowledge. Could there was composed of veteran troops, any one therefore be surprised at the errors ably commanded, and in the most perfect of such men ? Their blunders hitherto had. discipline and good order. This army obviously reduced Great Britain to a very, and fleet might be ready to proceed on calamitous situation, and their scandalous any service against our natural enemies inactivity on the present occasion, added early in the next month, if they should! to the encouragement they gave to the receive their orders in time; and having national despondency, by not speaking no equal force to oppose them, whatever out, seemed to threaten the ruin of the, service they were sent on must be crowned empire-a predicament in which he saw, with success. The noble duke had wished clearly they would rather see Great Brithat he would shew in what manner Ame- tain involved, than part with their beloved rica was to be regained without our agree- places. ing to her claim of independency. He Lord Ravensworth said he was astonished would give their lordships his opinion ; how the noble lords in administration could and he thanked the noble duke for call- hear their conduct so severely arraigned,, ing for it. Leave the Americans to them and not offer the least justification, even to selves, and he had no manner of doubt but blunt the force of any of the heavy charges they would soon send commissioners to made against them. This silence, he hoped,, offer terms to Great Britain. There was a portended some good to the nation; for, natural necessity which would force Ame- by refusing to answer, they tacitly conrica to come back to an alliance with this fessed the truth of the several accusations ; country. She could not, however artful and the next step he hoped they would men might gloss over the matter, be so take, would be to wait on their sovereign, lost to all sense of her own interest as to fairly confess they had deceived both his continue dependent on France. She would Majesty and the nation, and resign their soon see the false bias sie had taken. places, as no longer fit to conduct the Her own interest, her own ease, her own public affairs. happiness, would point it out; and the con The House divided : Contents 33; Nonsequence would be, that all cause of ani- | Contents 50. As soon as the division was mosity and contention ceasing, she would, over, on motives of sound policy, at length, of The Earl of Abingdon got up, and said, her own accord offer terms to England. These dead majorities will be the ruin of The noble duke had alluded to earl Walde- this nation. Let the question be what it grave, as having materially assisted prince will, though the salvation of the country Ferdinand in his success last war. He depend upon it, if it be moved by the mi. was exceedingly willing to do the noble nority it is sure of a negative : and, my earl ample credit for his bravery and skill, lords, we are told, too, by the ministry, as a military man; but neither took away that this is the only way in which his Mafrom the merit of prince Ferdinand, who jesty will receive our counsel. It may, ines was one of those men rarely to be met deed, my lords, be the only way in which with; he had scarcely ever read of a ge- his Majesty will receive our counsel; but, neral so truly expert, both in the cabinet it is not the only way, in which we have a and in the field, so wonderfully able both right to give our counsel to his Majesty. as a general and a negociator, except the My lords, we are the hereditary, coun: famous John duke of Marlborough; and sellors of the crown, and have a right to (VOL. XIX. ]

1 [sy]

an audience of his Majesty at all times, I prince William Henry, prince Edward, to lay our humble services before him. I prioce Ernest Augustus, prince Augustus therefore move, my lords, that we of the Frederick, prince Adolphus Frederick, minority do, in a body, wait upon his Ma- and of his dearly beloved daughters, prinjesty with the Address that has been made cess Charlotte Augusta Matilda, princess by the noble dake: it contains informa- | Augusta Sophia, princess Elizabeth, printion worthy the royal ear; what effect it cess Mary, and princess Sophia ; and for niay produce is not for me to forejudge. the honourable maintenance and support

The Duke of Richmond assented to the of prince William Frederick, and princess proposal, and said, that, if it was agreeable Sophia Matilda, the son and daughter of to the other lords, he himself had no ob his dearly beloved brother William Henry jection; but that that was a matter which duke of Gloucester; his Majesty hopes, would be best settled out of the House. that he shall be enabled, by act of parlia

· The measure was not carried into exe- ment, to grant an annuity of 60,0001. to cution.

the six princes, and an annuity of 30,0001.

to the five princesses; and to grant an * Protest against the Rejection of the Ad- annuity of 8,0001. to prince William Fre. dress to the King on the State of the Na derick, and an annuity of 4,0001. to prin

on.] The following Protest was entered cess Sophia Matilda, the son and daughter on the Journals :

of the duke of Gloucester; the annuities “ Dissentient

to his Majesty's sons and daughters to “ Because, we think the rejection of the take effect after his Majesty's demise ; proposed Address at this time, may ap- and the annuities to the son and daughter pear to indicate in this House a desire of of the duke of Gloucester to take effect continuing that plan of ignorance, con- after the death of the duke of Gloucester; cealment, deceit and delusion, by which and his Majesty recommends the consi. the sovereign and his people have been deration thereof to this House.” already brought into so many and so Ordered, nem. con. “ That leave be grievous calamities. We hold it abso- given to bring in a Bill, for enabling his lutely necessary that both sovereign and Majesty to settle on their royal highnesses people should be undeceived ; that they the princes Frederick bishop of Osnashould be distinctly and authentically made burgh, William Henry, Edward, Ernest acquainted with that state of their affairs, Augustus, Augustus Frederick, and Adolwhich is faithfully represented in the pro-phus Frederick, an annuity of 60,0001. posed Address, at a time when our exist. per annum; and also to settle on their ence as a nation may depend upon our con- royal highnesses the princesses Charlotte ceiving a just idea of our real situation, Augusta Matilda, Augusta Sophia, Elizaand upon our wisdom in making a proper beth, Mary, and Sophia, one other anuse of it. (Signed)-Richmond, Aber- nuity of 30,0001. per annum ; and also to

gavenny, Thanet, Abingdon, Har settle on his highness prince William Fre. court, De Ferrars, Fitzwilliam, J. derick one other annuity of 8,0001. per St. Asaph, Devonshire, Bolton, annum, and on her highness the princess Portland, Effingham, Radnor, Sophia Matilda one other annuity of · Rockingham, Stamford, Manches- 4,000l. per annum."

ter, Ponsonby, Craven, Spencer,
Hereford, E. Carlisle.”

Debate in the Commons on the Royal

Family Annuity Bill.) April 10. The The King's Message relating to a Pro- said Bill was brought in and read the first vision for his Younger Children, &c.] time. Lord North proposed that it should April 8. Lord North presented the fol- be read a second time immediately. lowing Message from the King:

| Lord Irnham objected to the second « George R.

reading of the Bill on the same day it was “ His Majesty, being restrained, by the first read. He thought that hurrying it laws now in being, from making provision through the House, was neither a mark of for his younger children, out of the here- respect towards the duke of Gloucester, ditary revenues of the crown; and being nor towards the princes in the succession desirous, that competent provisions may to the crown. That it would be bad be made for the honourable support and policy as well as unjust, at such a time as maintenance of his dearly beloved sons, ihis, to disinherit the issue of the princes prince Frederick bishop of Ospaburgh, of Brunswick and Orange, without going through the decent and legal forms of ac- peculiarly favoured nation. The kingdom knowledging and authenticating the mar. at large contemplate with rapture his Mariage of his royal highness the duke of jesty's numerous, and still, I hope, inGloucester, in order to legitimate his chil-creasing progeny, as insuring even beyond dren. And it became the more necessary, our children's children, to the “ nati notobecause the present ministers had occa- rum, et qui nascentur ab illis," the bless. sioned so many reports of their doubts; ings and glories of his reign. It is the which, though they only meant as a cloak duty of his faithful Commons here to do for persecution, and to prevent foreign more, to provide for them in a manner courts from paying the duchess of Glou- adequate to their exalted birth and royal cester proper respect, might be construed | dignity. by the princes in the succession, to have The message, Sir, from the crown, points arisen from the circumstances of the in-out to us the provision, and the mode of it, quiry made by the privy council: and as which is desired. I give my hearty conthey were going to recognize one mar- sent to the grant. It will be a grant wor. riage, he thought it would be proper to thy of the English nation, worthy of the lay before the House the certificate and great personages, in whom we have now proofs by witness, of the marriage of their ) so important an interest. Hereafter, I royal highnesses the duke and duchess of trust, we may claim a share of their future Cumberland.

fame and glory. Yet Sir, I regret, that Mr. Rigby rose to ask if any man in it is not made a certain provision for them the House or in the nation had any doubt during his Majesty's life, and the duke of of the legality of those marriages? He Gloucester's, as well as during the life of said, that he sat in the privy council at the the prince of Wales, or the successors of time they were investigated; that he had the reigning monarch. It is only to take no doubts, and did not wish to have a mo- effect after the demise of the crown, and tion which could imply that there were on the death of the duke of Gloucester. any. He thought it a proper mark of Sir, if I understand the Bill in your hand, respect towards the duke of Gloucester, it compels the prince of Wales to grant to read the Bill a second time the same out of the hereditary revenues of the day.

crown the annual sum of 60,0001. to the Lord North again moved the second King's sons, 30,0001. to his daughters, and reading of the Bill, and said it was usual to 12,0001. to the children of the duke of hurry such Bills as related to the royal Gloucester, during their respective lives; family, in order to shew unanimity upon but no permanent provision is made for the question.

them during the present reign, or the life Mr. Wilkes. Sir; the very title of the of the duke of Gloucester. The Bill Bill, which the noble lord has just pre- effectually ties up the hands of the sucsented to the House, will give the truest cessor, but leaves the prince on the throne pleasure to the friends of the Protestant the option of any provision for the chile succession. A royal family, already so dren and other very near relations of the numerous, is an invaluable addition to the crown during the life of his present Manational strength and importance. Every jesty, and his next brother. I desire to Englishman, who is at heart anxious not be set right, if I have mis-stated the Bill, only for the permanent, but the perpetual, which has just been read to the House. preservation of our liberties in the august (Lord North said, “ The hon. gentleman line of Brunswick, must now enjoy the is certainly right. The King will not be highest satisfaction. The alarming fears, obliged to make any provision by this Bill which our ancestors at various periods ex- for any part of the royal family, during perienced, from a suspicion of the failure his own life and that of the duke of Glouof succession to the imperial crown of cester.” Mr. Wilkes then added,] 1 subthese realms, are not likely to disturb their mit, Sir, to the House, that in this respect posterity. We live in happier times. The the Bill is imperfect. The provision for gratitude of this House to Heaven in the younger branches of the royal family creases every year, with the fortunately is not an immediate certain provision, but prolific, annual increase of the royal off to take effect at a distant period. They spring. We triumph in those indearing are left at the present moment without the. pledges of our monarch's love, and the smallest fixed revenue, or support, inde. public felicity, which an all-bounteous pendent of the crown. The sovereign Providence continues to bestow on this makes no grant, but we are taking away,

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