York, Rhode Island and Canada, con- | sisted altogether of no more than 36,731 men fit for duty, officers included.

"That to recruit this army to what it was last year, will require a reinforcement of at least 11,885 regular old troops.

"That the numbers in old corps in Great Britain, Ireland, Gibraltar and Minorca, together with the new levies which are raising, appear to us on a full examination of all the various services, to be such as not to render it in any degree prudent or safe to remove any part of the said troops to America, at a time when so great a part of our land and sea force is already in that remote part of the world, at too great a distance to assist this country in case of a sudden emergency.

"That it appeared that the navy in North America would also want a very great reinforcement of ships and men.

"That from this view of things, we are led to conclude, that if the whole force in North America (which for these last two years has been so greatly superior to what there seems to be any possibility of making it in the course of this year) has made so little impression towards the reduction of the provinces by arms, at a time when they were very deficient in military preparations of all sorts, had neither money, arms, ammunition, magazines, clothing, discipline or government, when the assistance they might receive from foreign nations was far less than it has been since, and is likely to be in future, by the avowed part which France has taken; it is not reasonable to suppose that they may now be reduced by a force, which we cannot make even equal to that which has failed, under circumstances in every respect more favourable.

"That with regard to our naval strength in Europe, it appears that far from being in that respectable condition, which it has often been officially represented by the first lord of the Admiralty in the course of this session, that essential part of our strength is no ways answerable to the vast sums expended on it, or to the various and extensive services which it may be called very shortly to fulfil.

"That the value of the captures made by the Americans on the merchants of Great Britain, amount to upwards of 2,600,000/.

"That the African trade is almost annihilated, having suffered a diminution of no less than 1,400,000l. per annum.

"That the West-India islands are much

distressed, and that the great increased price of many essential articles of trade, and particularly of naval stores and insurance, are such a burthen on the commerce of this kingdom, as must greatly affect its prosperity.

"That the expences o.. account of this war, over and above the ordinary high expence of a peace establishment, as it has been voted of late years, would, with the extraordinary charges not yet provided for, amount to near 24 millions, if peace was instantly concluded; but if the American war alone is continued only for one campaign more, the additional expence will probably amount to nine millions, making in all 33 millions expended in this contest. Such an increase of debt, the interest of which is equal to the net produce of the land tax at 3s. in the pound, added to our former burthens, will, we fear, with our diminished trade, be difficult for this country to support with national faith.

"That we have made some enquiry into the manner in which certain parts of this enormous expenditure have been conducted, and we are sorry to find that the mode of contracting and engaging for the transports and supplies of the army has been unusual and prodigal, and such as affords ground for suspicion of corrupt management.

"That the state of public credit is truly alarming; the small decrease of the national debt, amounting scarcely to ten millions in the course of 15 years of peace, bears no proportion to the vast increase in times of war: it requires no calculations to prove that a debt, continually augmenting, must end in a manner we are unwilling to think on. The national debt has increased 100 millions in the memory of many of us; the natural period and inevitable consequence of this system appears to be at hand. As one principal foundation of credit is a confidence in government, we have much to apprehend under ministers who have justly forfeited the good opinion of the nation; the want of confidence complicated with the effects of this enormous, and enormously growing debt, appears from the low state of the public funds, and from the discredit of the new loan, which sells considerably under par, although the terms given this year for six millions, are higher than those which were given for 12 millions in 1761, in the seventh year of a war with the House of Bourbon, and although we have hitherto had no fo reign war whatsoever.

"That from this melancholy state of facts, we see it impossible to carry on the present system of reducing America by force of arms.

"That we conceive this impossibility not to have arisen from the accidents of this war, but to result from the very course of nature; to be the necessary consequence of an attempt to reduce to servitude a numerous people united in the defence of their liberties, in a distant, extensive and strong country.

"That we conceive that his Majesty and the parliament could not have been induced to prosecute so fatal a war, but from being misled in the information they received of the disposition of the people in America, of their disunion, and of the possibility of reducing them by force of arms to unconditional submission, and to the acknowledgment of the supreme authority of parliament, before a complaint even of just grievances should be listened

to.

"That it was the peculiar duty of his Majesty's ministers to procure correct information on matters of such high importance, and to have laid the whole of such information before his Majesty, and before parliament, previous to their proposing such steps as have led us into our present calamitous situation.

"That we cannot but lament that when propositions of a similar nature to those lately proposed and enacted, were three years ago repeatedly offered to parliament in both Houses, his Majesty's ministers, the very men who now have advised greater concessions, did, upon delusive arguments and false representations, prevail on parliament to reject those propositions at a time when they would probably have been successful, and might have prevented the prodigal, and, we fear, fruitless waste of so much treasure, and still more to be lamented effusion of so much blood.

"That, under these circumstances, we can give his Majesty no other advice than instantly to withdraw his fleets and armies from the thirteen revolted provinces, where they are decaying and wasting, where they subsist with difficulty, cost immense sums of money, can answer no good purpose, particularly at this time when they are much wanted for our security at home; to effectuate conciliation with the colonies on such terms as may preserve their goodwill, on the preservation of which the future greatness of this nation may, in a great measure, depend.

"That the armaments long since preparing in the ports of France and Spain, and the late declaration of the French ambassador, although natural, are melancholy consequences of the measures which have been pursued, and make it indispensably necessary to view our situation in a new light that we are no longer to consider ourselves as contending solely for dominion over others; we are to look to our own safety; we are to rescue, if possible, what remains of this empire, from the further effects of those measures by which it has been reduced to its actual limits. And as we apprehend that the present calamities have arisen in a great degree from the degeneracy of the times, and a departure from the true principles and spirit of our constitution, it would be highly expedient to endeavour at some sober well-digested plan of public reformation, in order to restore the ancient morals, and revive the original character

of this nation.

"That we think it our duty on offering to his Majesty this unhappy but true representation of the state of his dominions, to express our indignation at the conduct of his Majesty's ministers, who have caused it; who, by abusing his confidence, have tarnished the lustre of his crown; who, by their unfortunate counsels, have dismembered his empire, wasted the public treasures, sunk the public credit, impaired the commerce of his kingdoms, disgraced his Majesty's arms, and weakened his naval power, the pride and bulwark of this nation; whilst, by delaying to reconcile the differences which they had excited amongst his people, they have suffered an alliance to take place between the former subjects and the antient rivals of Great Britain, and have neither taken measures to prevent, nor formed alliances to counteract so fatal an union.

"That in this calamitous, although they trust not desperate situation of public affairs, this House reposes its ultimate hope in his Majesty's paternal goodness: that we have no doubt that he will look back to the principles, both political and constitutional, which gave rise to the Revolution from whence we have derived the happiness of being governed by princes of his illustrious House: that he will reflect on the examples of his predecessors from that auspicious period, during which the prosperity, the opulence, the power, the territory, and the renown of his throne and nation, have flourished and increased be

yond all example: that he will particuIarly call to mind the circumstances of his accession to the crown, when he took possession of an inheritance so full of glory, and of the trust of preserving it in all its lustre: that, deeply affected with these considerations, he will be graciously pleased to put an end to a system too well understood in its nature, and too sorely felt in its effects, which by the arts of wicked men has prevailed in his court and administration, and which, if suffered to continue, will complete the miseries which it has begun, and leave nothing in this country which can do honour to his government, or make the name of an Englishman a matter of that pride and distinction in which his Majesty and his subjects had so much reason to glory in former happy times."

Viscount Weymouth opposed the Address. The greater part of it, he said, consisted of resolutions which had already been submitted to the opinion of their lordships, and had been rejected by a considerable majority; that the very same reasons operated for negativing these resolutions when thrown into the form of an address. The noble duke had said, that no one lord had denied the truth of each of the resolutions when urged, that therefore it was allowed on all sides that they were truisms; in this point he could not agree with the noble duke; it was true the resolutions were not controverted when offered, but it by no means followed that they were admitted as facts; before that could be done, it would have been necessary for their lordships to have investigated them with a much larger share of care and time than they had bestowed on them; that, in fact, they were deemed inexpedient to be agreed to, even if they had been well founded, and therefore their real foundation in fact, had not been considered, and consequently it was not to be presumed that their lordships were convinced of their being true. The prayer of the Address was of two parts; the one desiring his Majesty to withdraw the troops and fleet from America; the other desiring his Majesty to dismiss his ministry. Both of these points had before been agitated and rejected, by the previous question having been moved upon them, and carried. With regard to the first, the same arguments were still in force as had been urged against it before, namely, the impolicy of the measure, and the improbability that America would treat about

terms of conciliation, when this country had, by an act of her own, given her to understand, that we despaired of conquest. Another reason which now very powerfully spoke against it was, our situation with France; a situation which rendered the smallest hint of our consciousness of being incapable of resisting an attack highly imprudent; and as there was not any real occasion to suppose ourselves in so defenceless a state as the noble duke had alleged, it was still more imprudent to give room for any such suspicion. Besides, it was one of the first prerogatives of the crown, to have the disposing and directing of the naval and military force of the kingdom; but if their lordships should agree to the Address, it would deeply affect the acknowledged right the King has over his fleets and armies, and of course be a direct invasion of the executive power.

With regard to the other object of the prayer, the dismission of the ministry; it might be thought rather indelicate for him, who was in some measure a party concerned, to speak to it; as those, however, who knew him, he trusted would believe him, when he declared, his employment was the last object of his consideration, he should not hesitate to repeat that it would be an act of violent injustice, to convey to the King so severe a censure upon his servants, before they had been heard speak in their defence. He added, that it was the King's prerogative to appoint his own servants; that if they were guilty of any misconduct, they were open to public inquiry; and if convicted upon competent proof were certainly objects of parliamentary complaint, and of parliamentary prayer for removal. It had been said, did ministers consider their places as their freeholds? Did they hold them as a matter of right? Did they deem their dismission from employment a punishment? Certainly The King, who honoured them with his commands, could, whenever he pleased, dispense with their services; and when his Majesty thought proper to do so, no one member of administration would think himself punished.

no.

The Earl of Chatham rose:

His lordship began by lamenting that his bodily infirmities had so long, and especially at so important a crisis, prevented his attendance on the duties of parliament. He declared that he had made an effort almost beyond the powers of his

constitution to come down to the House on this day (perhaps the last time he should ever be able to enter its walls) to express the indignation he felt at an idea which he understood was gone forth, of yielding up the sovereignty of America! My lords, continued he, I rejoice that the grave has not closed upon me; that I am still alive to lift up my voice against the dismemberment of this ancient and most noble monarchy! Pressed down as I am by the hand of infirmity, I am little able to assist my country in this most perilous conjuncture; but, my lords, while I have sense and memory, I will never consent to deprive the royal offspring of the House of Brunswick, the heirs of the princess Sophia, of their fairest inheritance. Where is the man that will dare to advise such a measure? My lords, his Majesty succeeded to an empire as great in extent as its reputation was unsullied. Shall we tarnish the lustre of this nation by an ignominious surrender of its rights and fairest possessions? Shall this great kingdom, that has survived whole and entire the Danish depredations, the Scottish inroads, and the Norman conquest; that has stood the threatened invasion of the Spanish armada, now fall prostrate before the House of Bourbon? Surely, my lords, this nation is no longer what it was! Shall a people that seventeen years ago was the terror of the world, now stoop so low as to tell its ancient inveterate enemy, take all we have, only give us peace? It is impossible!

I wage war with no man, or set of men. I wish for none of their employments; nor would I co-operate with men who still persist in unretracted error; or who, instead of acting on a firm decisive line of conduct, halt between two opinions, where there is no middle path. In God's name, if it is absolutely necessary to declare either for peace or war, and the former cannot be preserved with honour, why is not the latter commenced without hesitation? I am not, I confess, well informed of the resources of this kingdom; but I trust it has still sufficient to maintain its just rights, though I know them not. But, my lords, any state is better than despair. Let us at least make one effort; and if we must fall, let us fall like men !*

The following Report of the Earl of Chatham's Speech upon this occasion, is taken from the London Magazine: The Earl of Chatham followed lord Wey

[When his lordship sat down, earl Tem ple said to him, "You forgot to mention what we talked of-Shall I get up?" Lord Chatham replied, "No, no, I will do it by and by."]

The Duke of Richmond said, the noble viscount (Weymouth) objected to the Address, because the matter contained in it has already received a negative; and because the facts, though not controverted, were not proved. The noble viscount must have totally forgot; for the propositions were not negatived, but postponed; the very mode of getting rid of them proved it. If they had been negatived, the noble viscount well knows that they could not be offered to your lordships' consideration a second time, in the course of the same session. The truth is, my lords, that the propositions were acknowledged to be so many truisms, but not proper to be assented to; because such an assent would contain a full parliamentary acknowledgment of the weak and defenceless state of the nation. The time is past when such an argument, if it ever deserved any atten tion, can avail. France has already declared her intentions; the facts are before the public. I might with great justice add, France knew them long before they were either known or acknowledged in this House. But, my lords, the true motive for postponing to resolve them at one time, or for not admitting them now, is come out. They were early foretold by a learned lord (Camden). He prophesied, that when the ultimate measure came to be pointed out, the House would have no premises to proceed on. The facts were, that such was the state of our army, navy, &c. that we could no longer carry on the war in America with any prospect of success; and that the present calamitous situation of this country was occasioned by the ignorance and misconduct of ministers. The first of these would be a foundation for withdrawing the troops; the last would be a sufficient ground for the removal of ministers. This was the prediction of the noble and learned lord; and such is the conduct of the noble viscount. Without 'facts the House could not come to a conclusion. The last point, as to the matters of fact spoken to by the noble viscount,

mouth. He appeared to be extremely feeble, and spoke with that difficulty of utterance which is the characteristic of severe indisposition. His lordship began with declaring that his ill health had for some time obliged bim to

contained in those documents was admitted, because it was not controverted?

exactly corresponds with the other. The noble viscount tells you, that although the facts were not controverted, they were by no means admitted. I appeal to your lordships whether this was or was not the case; and whether, in almost every instance, they were not admitted as so many truisms? But even though the noble viscount could not support this assertion on the ground he has taken it upon; would it not be a fair logical inference to presume, that in so solemn an investigation as that of an enquiry into the state of the nation, when matters of the first rate consequence came in proof, and that from documents lying on your lordships' table, that whatever was

absent himself from the performance of his parliamentary duty; he rejoiced, however, that he was yet alive to give his vote against so impolitic, so inglorious a measure as the acknowledgment of the independency of America; and declared he would much rather be in his grave than see the lustre of the British throne tarnished, the dignity of the empire disgraced, the glory of the nation sunk to such a degree as it must be, when the dependency of America on the sovereignty of Great Britain was given up. The earl next adverted to the conduct of the court of France, and observed, that at a crisis like the present, he would openly speak his sentiments, although they might turn out to be dangerous. As a reason for throwing off reserve, he said he did not approve of halting between two opinions, when there was no middle path; that it was necessary absolutely to declare either for peace or war, and when the former could not be preserved with honour, the latter ought to be declared without hesitation. Having made this remark, he asked, where was the ancient spirit of the nation, that a foreign power was suffered to bargain for that commerce which was her natural right, and enter into a treaty with her own subjects, without instantly resenting it? Could it be possible that we were the same people who but sixteen years ago were the envy and admiration of all the world? How were we altered! and what had made the alteration? He feared there was something in the dark, something lurking near the throne, which gave motion to administretion-something unseen, which caused such pusillanimons, such timid, such dastardly councils. What! were we to sit down in an. ignominious tameness? to say, "take from us what you will, but in God's name let us be at peace?" Were we blinded by despair? Could we forget that we were Englishmen ? Could we forget that the nation had stood the Danish irruptions? had stood the irruptious of other nations! had stood the inroads of the Scotch! had stood the Norman conquests! had stood the threatened invasion by the famous Spanish Armada, and the various efforts of the Bourbon [VOL. XIX. ]

of

The noble viscount says, the prayer the proposed Address consists of two parts: it recommends that our fleets and armies be withdrawn from the towns and coasts of the thirteen revolted provinces, and for the removal of ministers. I grant it; but, says the noble viscount, the first is a very improper restriction on the royal prerogative. His Majesty ought to be left to his own determination; it is to be presumed that he will act with suitable wisdom and propriety, in directing and employing the force of the state entrusted to his care. The second, recommending a removal of his ministers, is equally improper, and

compacts! Why, then, should we now give up all, without endeavouring to prevent our losses, without a blow, without an attempt to resent the insults offered us? If France and Spain were for war, why not try an issue with them? If we fell afterwards, we should fall decently, and like men.

Having spoken with some enthusiasm upon these points, his lordship said he waged war against no set of men, neither did he wish for any of their employments: he then reverted to the subject of American independency; and after recalling the attention of their lordships to the extent and revenue of the estate of the crown of England, when the present King came into the possession of it, asked what right the Houses of Parliament had to deprive the prince of Wales, the bishop of Osnaburgh, and the other rising hopes of the beloved royal family, of the inheritance of the thirteen American provinces? Sooner than consent to take away from any of the heirs of the princess Sophia, what they had a legal and natural right to expect to possess, he declared he would see the prince of Wales, the bishop of Osnaburgh, and the rest of the young princes, brought down to the committee, and hear them consent to lose their inheritance. The earl declared he was exceedingly ill; but as long as he could crawl down to that House, and had strength to raise himself on his crutches, or to lift his hand, he would vote against the giving up the dependency of America on the sovereignty of Great Britain; and if no other lord was of opinion with him, he would singly protest against the measure.

With regard to our power to carry on the war, or commence a new one with France, there were, he said, means, though he knew not what; if, however, he was called upon to give his advice, he would give it honestly; and though, from his exceeding ill state of health, he feared he had not abilities enough to ensure to the execution of his measures the wished for success, he would make some amends by his sincerity. [3 U]