But I will not trouble your Lordships with arguments for that, which is fufficiently evident without any. I fhall only fay a few words to fome noble lords, who forefee much inconveniency, from the perfons of their fervants being liable to be arrefted. One noble lord obferves, That the coachman of a peer may be arrested, while he is driving his mafter to the House, and that, confequently, he will not be able to attend his duty in parliament. If this were actually to happen, there are fo many methods by which the member might still get to the House, that I can hardly think the noble lord is ferious in his objection. Another noble peer faid, That, by this bill, one might lose his most valuable and honeft fervants. This I hold to be a contradiction in terms: for he can neither be a valuable fervant, nor an honeft man, who gets into debt which he is neither able nor willing to pay, till compelled by the law. If my fervant, by unforeseen accidents, has got into debt, and I ftill wish to retain him, I certainly would pay the demand. But upon no principle of liberal legislation whatever, can my fervant have a title to fet his creditors at defiance, while, for forty fhillings only, the honeft tradesman may be torn from his family, and locked up in a gaol. It is monftrous injuftice! I flatter myfelf, however, the determination of this day will entirely put an end to all: fuch partial proceedings for the future, by paffing into a law the bill now under your Lordships'

confideration.

I come now to fpeak upon what, indeed, I would have gladly avoided, had I not been particularly pointed at, for the part I have taken in this

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bill. It has been faid, by a noble lord on my hand, that I likewise am running the race of popularity. If the noble lord means by popularity, that applause bestowed by after-ages on good and virtuous actions, I have long been ftruggling in that race to what purpose, all-trying Time can alone determine. But if the noble lord means that mushroom popularity, which is raised without merit, and loft without a crime, he is much mistaken in his opinion. I defy the noble lord to point out a single action in my life, in which the popularity of the times ever had the fmalleft influence on my determinations. I thank God I have a more permanent and fteady rule for my conduct,-the dictates of my own breaft.. They who have foregone that pleasing adviser, and given up their mind to be the flave of every popular impulfe, I fincerely pity: I pity them still more, if their vanity leads them to mistake the fhouts of a mob for the trumpet of Fame. Experience might inform them, that many, who have been faluted with the huzzas of a crowd one day, have received their execrations the next; and many, who, by the popularity of their times, have been held up as fpotless patriots, have, nevertheless, appeared upon the hiftorian's page, when truth has triumphed over delufion, the affaffins of liberty. Why then the noble lord can think I am ambitious of prefent popularity, that echo of folly, and shadow of renown, I am at a loss to determine. Befides, I do not know that the bill now before your Lordships will be popular: it depends much upon the caprice of the day. It may not be popular to compel people to pay their debts; and, in that cafe, the prefent must be a very un

popular bill. It may not be popular neither to take away any of the privileges of parliament: for I very well remember, and many of your Lordships may remember, that, not long ago, the popular cry was for the extension of privilege; and fo far did they carry it at that time, that it was faid, the privilege protected members even in criminal actions; nay, fuch was the power of popular prejudices over weak minds, that the very decifions of fome of the courts were tinctured with that doctrine. It was undoubtedly an abominable doctrine; I thought fo then, and I think fo ftill; but, nevertheless, it was a popular doctrine, and came immediately from thofe who are called the friends of liberty; how defervedly, time will fhow. True liberty, in my opinion, can only exift when justice is equally administered to all; to the king and to the beggar. Where is the juftice then, or where is the law that protects a member of parliament more than any other man, from the punishment due to his crimes ? The laws of this country allow of no place, nor any employment, to be a fanctuary for crimes; and where I have the honour to fit as judge, neither royal favour, nor popular applaufe, fhall ever protect the guilty.

I have now only to beg pardon for having employed fo much of your Lordships' time; and I am forry a bill, fraught with fo many good confequences, has not met with an abler advocate; but I doubt not your Lordships' determination will convince the world, that a bill, calculated to contribute fo much to the equal distribution of justice as the prefent, requires with your Lordships but very little fupport.

SECTION V.

An Addrefs to young Persons.

I INTEND, in this addrefs, to show you the importance of beginning early to give ferious attention to your conduct. As foon as you are capable of reflection, you must perceive that there is a right and a wrong, in human actions.

You fee,

that those who are born with the fame advantages of fortune, are not all equally profperous in the course of life. While fome of them, by wife and fteady conduct, attain distinction in the world, and pafs their days with comfort and honour; others, of the fame rank, by mean and vicious behaviour, forfeit the advantages of their birth; involve themfelves in much mifery; and end in being a difgrace to their friends, and a burden on fociety. Early, then, may you learn, that it is not on the external condition in which you find yourselves placed, but on the part which you are to act, that your welfare or unhappiness, your honour or infamy, depends. Now, when beginning to act that part, what can be of greater moment, than to regulate your plan of conduct with the most serious attention, before you have yet committed any fatal or irretrievable errors If, inftead of exerting reflection for this valuable purpose, you deliver yourfelves up, at fo critical a time, to floth and pleasure; if you refuse to liften to any counsellor but humour, or to attend to any purfuit except that of amufement; if you allow yourselves to float loofe and careless on the tide of life, ready to receive

any direction which the current of fashion may chance to give you; what can you expect to follow from fuch beginnings? While fo many around you are undergoing the fad confequences of a like indifcretion, for what reason fhall not thofe confequences extend to you? Shall you attain success without that preparation, and escape dangers without that precaution, which is required of others? Shall happiness grow up to you, of its own accord, and folicit your acceptance, wheň, to the rest of mankind, it is the fruit of long cultivation, and the acquifition of labour and care?Deceive not yourselves with fuch arrogant hopes. Whatever be your rank, Providence will not, for your fake, reverse its established order. The Author of your being hath enjoined you to "take heed to your ways; to ponder the paths of your feet; to remember your Creator in the days of your youth." He hath decreed, that they only "who feek after wifdom, fhall find it; that fools fhall be afflicted, because of their tranfgreffions; and that whoever refufeth inftruction, fhall destroy his own foul." By liftening to these admonitions, and tempering the vivacity of youth with a proper mixture of ferious thought, you may enfure cheerfulness for the reft of life; but by delivering yourselves up at prefent to giddinefs and levity, you lay the foundation of lafting heavinefs of heart.

When you look forward to thofe plans of life, which either your circumstances have fuggefted, or your friends have propofed, you will not hefitate to acknowledge, that in order to pursue them with advantage, fome previous difcipline is requifite. Be affured, that whatever is to be your pro